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                <text>Cornell 4606.15.J11</text>
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                <text>This composition of the scene, in which a helpless Louis seems to be looking upward to heaven with his confessor, communicates humility. The executioners are relatively passive, leaving the King and confessor center stage. This reveals that in mortal death, the King had a chance to look better than his tormentors. Although this print was undoubtedly produced significantly after the fact, contemporary spectators also might have felt this moment of moral superiority available to the victim. As sentimentality became more prevalent in the eighteenth century, sympathy for the accused on the scaffold had grown, so that authorities had increasingly taken executions out of the public eye. Perhaps, it is likely that Louis at least realized a measure of this same concern. And possibly Sanson’s exuberance after the execution when he eagerly held aloft the King’s head, as well as a prior decision to call for a drum roll to drown out the King’s attempts to address the crowd, were meant to erase any empathy for his condition.</text>
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                <text>A Positive View?</text>
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                <text>January 21, 1793</text>
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                <text>Martyn Lyons, &lt;i&gt;Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution&lt;/i&gt; (London: Macmillan, 1994), 75-76.</text>
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                <text>The prefect of the Haute-Garonne department headquartered in Toulouse reported on his efforts to establish control in a region known for its rebelliousness.</text>
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                <text>A Prefect in Action, 1800–1801</text>
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                <text>A revolt attempted by the Enragés in Paris fails.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The philosophers who study the causes of important events have said that, in some way, each century carries within it the century that will follow. This bold metaphor covers an important truth that has been confirmed by the history of Athens: the century of laws and virtues prepared that of valor and glory, in turn producing a century of conquests and luxury, which finished with the destruction of the republic.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The deeply philosophic thought can be applied to the history of all peoples. The tyrannical humiliations and bloodthirsty barbarity of Richelieu laid the groundwork for the despotism of Louis XIV. That century of great men was the work of the literary and religious debates that had preceded it. It is in the eye of the storm that the nature and policy of empires, the laws and all human institutions are regenerated, and that the sciences grow with renewed vigor. The nation, sagging beneath the weight of its misfortunes, crushed by its disgrace and caught up in terror and superstition, whimpered for a fragile and fleeting glory which it acquired at the cost of the people's future, the price of their blood, and the prosperity of the empire. Its gloomy silence evidenced its pain. For a few years, the call of the monarchy relieved the nation of this distressing state, only to deliver it up to the convulsions of madness and cupidity. The squanderings of Louis XIV gave birth to this system. The French, bent beneath the yoke, nevertheless endured the vices and errors of the government with incredible patience. The sacred and inalienable rights of the People were relegated to the museums of science and art as if they were curiosities to behold, things rendered useless by the long period of slavery. Thus was the reasoning that suspended any public demands during the entire reign of Louis XV. During the final years of that monarch the nation lost almost all of its morality. Corruption spread out from the base of the throne to almost all classes of society. Finally, the limit of arbitrary excesses of power had been reached. The horrible financial disarray rendered the required severe reform inevitable. This is how the course of events is played out: not by fortuitous syntheses, but by a primary and irrefutable impulse. It is very true that extremes come full circle.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Journal Universel,&lt;/i&gt; no. 169 (10 May 1790), 1350.</text>
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                <text>This 1790 article from the &lt;i&gt;Journal Universel&lt;/i&gt;, a leading radical newspaper, recounts the long desperate history of the monarchy that ironically led the revolution.</text>
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                <text>May 10, 1790</text>
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                <text>A Second Coalition uniting Russia, Great Britain, and eventually Austria against France is formed. The War of the Second Coalition continues to 1801.</text>
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                <text>A second demonstration against the National Convention as an institution.</text>
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                <text>June 2, 1793</text>
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                <text>A separation of Church and State is effected with the decree of the Convention that it will no longer pay salaries or expenses of the Church.</text>
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                <text>September 18, 1794</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The dawn breaks, the shadows dissipate; the morning star brightens, the sky lightens . . . its luster is a happy omen.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;O supreme being! May this symbol enflame every heart, revive our hope and crown our wishes.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;How much confidence we have since the monarch manifested his paternal feelings to the people, since he permitted all individuals to bring to him their complaints, to communicate their ideas, to consider and discuss by means of the press every political subject that will soon be considered by the august assembly that is now being organized.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It is in this moment of general revolution that a woman who is astonished by the silence of her sex, which should have so many things to say, so many abuses to combat, so many grievances to present, dares to raise her voice in defense of the common cause. She will plead her case before the tribunal of the nation, whose justice already assures her of success.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Pardon me, o my sex! if I once considered legitimate the yoke under which we have all lived for so many centuries. I was persuaded of your lack of capability and your weaknesses. I did not think those of you in the lower and indigent classes were capable of much else than to weave, sew, and look after the economic needs of the household; among the upper ranks, singing, dancing, music and gambling seemed to be your essential occupations. I did not yet have enough experience to recognize that all these exercises are, on the contrary, only obstacles to the development of genius.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;but my eyes have been opened since I have seen, with much surprise and admiration, in this class where—whether due to reason or necessity—men allow women to share their tasks, some hoeing the soil, some guiding the plow, some driving the mail wagon [?]. Others have undertaken long and difficult journeys, for business reasons, in the worst weather.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I will add that in spite of our lack of education, one can nevertheless point to a number of women who have offered the public useful and illuminating productions. (Note: one can read with pleasure the works of Madame Dacier, Madame des Houlires, Madame du Bocage; Madame la marquise du Chatelet, mademoiselle de Lussan, etc.) Finally, have we not seen women hold the reins of government with as much wisdom and care as majesty? (Note: of this number we can mention Elizabeth, queen of England; Catherine, wife of Peter the Great; Tsarina Catherine II, presently reigning; and Marie, queen of Portugal.)&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;What else is needed to prove that we have a right to complain about the education we are given, about the prejudices that make us slaves, and about the injustice with which we are plucked at birth (at least In some provinces) of the goods that nature and equity should assure us.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;They say that the Negroes will be freed. The people, who are enslaved nearly as much as they are, will enter into their rights. We owe these benefits to philosophy, which has enlightened the nation. Could it be possible that philosophy would be mute with regard to our situation, or rather that men, deaf to its voice and insensitive to its light, would persist in rendering us victims of their pride and injustice?&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;0 deputies of the nation, I invoke your aid! May you be penetrated by the same feelings that animate me and by the necessity to insure, by the influence of your enlightenment and the wisdom of your deliberations, the success of my rightful grievances.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;You will surely not disappoint me; I have as my guarantee the support of a great number of enlightened citizens who have placed their future in your hands, as well as the obligation you have contracted to reform the abuses and absurd and atrocious prejudices that dishonor the French monarchy.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It is in this confidence that I dare to take up the defense of my sex, and that I timidly take up my pen for the first time, encouraged by the importance of my cause.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;My claims may at first seem ill-considered; &lt;i&gt;the admission of women to the Estates-General&lt;/i&gt; is, one may think, &lt;i&gt;inconceivably and ridiculously pretentious.&lt;/i&gt; Never have women been admitted to the councils of kings and republics. Moreover, even sovereign queens who since Semiramus have governed states have only admitted man to their councils. The motto of women must be &lt;i&gt;work, obey, and shut up.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This is certainly a system worthy of such centuries of ignorance, when the strongest have made the laws, subordinating the weakest. But today, enlightenment and reason have demonstrated the absurdity of all this.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;We do not aspire to the honors of government, or to the advantages of being initiated to the secrets of ministries. But we believe that it is entirely equitable to allow women, widows or girls who possess land or other properties, to bring their grievances to the foot of the throne, and that it is also just to collect their votes, because they are obligated, just as are men, to pay the royal taxes and to fulfill the engagements of commerce.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It may be alleged that all that would be possible to accord them, is to permit them to be represented by proxy, at the Estates-Generals.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;We reply that inasmuch as it has been demonstrated that a noble cannot be represented by a commoner [&lt;i&gt;roturier&lt;/i&gt;], nor a commoner by a noble, by the same token a man cannot represent a woman. The representatives should have absolutely the same interests as those represented: therefore women should be represented only by women.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;But if they [women] do not succeed in making themselves heard, if the government's politics prevails over justice, if all access to the depositories of their destiny is prohibited, oh virtuous and sensitive citizens, at least take account of the iniquity that follows from the prejudices which render women victims and, moreover, the blame for the disorderly conduct of your own sex, which by their efforts, their ruses, their black perversity have managed to take advantage of women, to abuse their credulity by promises, to subjugate them by vows, to triumph over their weaknesses, their inexperience, and their virtue.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Prejudice stamps on women's foreheads an ineffaceable mark of ignominy, while the infamous conqueror is applauded for his success, is glorified by the tears he has made her shed, the traps he has laid for innocence, and by the shame and unhappiness of his unfortunate victim.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Perverse and unjust men! Why do you require more firmness from us than you yourselves are capable? Why do you impose on us the law of dishonor, when by your maneuvering you have managed to arouse our feelings and obtain our consent? What right do you have to pretend that we must resist your pressing desires, when you have not even the courage to control your own disorderly passions?&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Ah! there is no doubt that such a prejudice is unworthy of a good constitution; it would revolt any nation less frivolous and more systematically devoted to principles.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;But what means can one employ to establish an equilibrium between two sexes formed of the same clay, experiencing the same sensations, that the hand of the creator has made for one another, who worship the same god, and who obey the same sovereign? And why is it that the law is not the same for both? Why does one sex have everything and the other one nothing?&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Cahiers des doléances et reclamations des femmes, par madame B*** B***, Pays de Caux, 1789&lt;/i&gt;, reprinted in &lt;i&gt;Cahiers de doléances des femmes en 1759 et autres textes&lt;/i&gt;, translated by Karen Offen (Paris, 1981), 47–51. The editors thank Karen Offen for supplying this document.</text>
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                <text>This grievance was signed by a certain Madame B*** B*** whose identity is unknown. The provenance appears to be Normandy. Another version of this text, located and republished in the late nineteenth century, is signed by Marie, veuve de Vuigneras, also from Normandy. According to contextual evidence, this document followed the convocation of the Estates–General and the call for the collection and presentation of grievances, and its opening in early May 1789. In the royal edict of late January 1789, stipulating the conditions for elections, women of the First and Second Estates (clergy and nobility) were allowed to vote for representatives by proxy; but property–holding women of the Third Estate, widows or adult unmarried daughters, were not. Here Madame B***B*** addresses men, at once praising their potential for vision and justice, but at the same time blaming them for their historical subordination and misuse of women. Her appeal for representation of women by women in the Estates–General is followed by a sharply worded protest against the double standard of sexual morality. For this writer, the personal is highly political.</text>
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                <text>A Woman’s Cahier</text>
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                <text>May 1789</text>
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              <text>Literally translated, the word means abbot and in fact, abbé can refer to this church official. However, the title abbé was also given to those who completed the ecclesiastical curriculum in the lycée. For example, for the famous revolutionary abbé Sieyès, the title was merely a distinction as he was definitely not an abbot.</text>
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                <text>Abbé</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The whites, having might on their side, have pronounced unjustly that a darkened skin excludes one from the advantages of society. Priding themselves on their complexion, they have raised a wall separating them from a class of free men that are improperly called &lt;i&gt;people of color&lt;/i&gt; or &lt;i&gt;mixed-race.&lt;/i&gt; They have vowed the degradation of several thousand estimable individuals, as if all were not children of a common father. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Four questions present themselves relative to free people of color. 1) Will they be assimilated in every way to the whites? 2) Will they have representatives at the National Assembly? 3) What will be the number of representatives? 4) Do those who ask to fill this post have a legal commission? A preliminary examination of what they do in our colonies will resolve these questions by informing us what they should become.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Bearing all the burdens of society more than whites, only partially sharing the advantages, being prey to contempt, often to flagrant insult, to anguish, this is the lot of the people of color, especially in St. Domingue. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;One rigorous consequence of what precedes is that the rejection of the people of color threatens the state with an unsettling shock; if on the contrary you fill in the gap that separates them from whites, if by bringing minds closer together you cement the mutual attachment of these two classes, their reunion will create a mass of forces that is more effective for containing the slaves, whose afflictions will no doubt be alleviated and about whose lot it will be permitted to be touched, until that opportune moment when they can be freed. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The people of color being equal in everything to the whites, one will surely not ask if they should be active in legislation and send deputies to the National Assembly. Subjected to the laws and to taxation, citizens must consent to the one and the other, without which they can refuse obedience and payment. If someone could claim to possess to a higher degree this right that is equal for everyone, it would be without doubt those who, having been more afflicted by long and multiple vexations, have more complaints to lodge.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>The materials listed below appeared originally in &lt;i&gt;The French Revolution and Human Rights: A Brief Documentary History, &lt;/i&gt;translated, edited, and with an introduction by Lynn Hunt (Bedford/St. Martin's: Boston/New York), 1996, 105–6.</text>
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                <text>Baptiste–Henri Grégoire was a parish priest who was elected to the National Assembly by the clergy of Lorraine. He championed the rights of minorities both before the Revolution and in the legislature. The most noted beneficiaries of his attention were Jews and free blacks. He thought giving rights to Jews would encourage assimilation, while giving free blacks a greater stake in society would actually help maintain the institution of slavery because these blacks served in the militias that enforced the slave system. Nonetheless, on other occasions, Grégoire argued for the complete abolition of the institution of slavery.</text>
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                <text>Abbé Grégoire, "Memoir in Favor of the People of Color or Mixed–Race of Saint Domingue" (1789)</text>
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