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              <text>Le Triomphe de la Liberté</text>
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                <text>&lt;p class="p1"&gt;&lt;span class="s1"&gt;Museé de la Révolution Française, Vizille&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>In this extraordinary painting stands a formidable and powerful figure of liberty with her pike and cap. As the title of this work suggests, Liberty appears here as a warrior surveying the field of battle from a commanding height. Furthermore, the cock crowing at the dawn suggests the arrival of an entirely new day.</text>
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                <text>The Triumph of Liberty</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Niort, 25 August, 1793, Year IV [&lt;i&gt;sic&lt;/i&gt;] of Freedom&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The departmental adviser reported to you, in the last mail, the troubling events which occurred in the district of Châtillon. New information shows us that the crowd is continuing to gather, that the leaders of bandits, far from scattering them, every day battle with them anew and retreat anew. The council meanwhile has taken strong measures, and at this moment there are three thousand national guardsmen in the region to establish order. It is with the greatest of sorrow that we inform you that six patriots have already fallen victim to this rabble, but at least forty of their number were killed.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;We had reason to hope that these gatherings would cease as soon as the public troops arrived. Our hopes were misguided, and this causes us the greatest of worries. Having already dispatched all of the armed force that was at our disposal, the departments of the Vendée, Loire-Inférieure, and Maine-en Loire showed us unequivocal proof of their fraternity and neighborliness by coming to our aid during these circumstances. Without these departments, this unfortunate region would today have fallen to the rebels. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;We can not hide from you sirs, that a severe and swift example needs to be set. Already several of these bandits have been arrested, and the departmental adviser requests that you issue a decree whereby the criminal court of Niort judges this case as the last resort. It is the only way to bring peace back to this unfortunate region. We hope that you will not refuse us this request.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Philippe-Joseph-Benjamin Buchez and Prosper-Charles Roux, &lt;i&gt;Histoire parlementaire de la Révolution Française,&lt;/i&gt; vol. 17 (Paris: Paulin, 1834), 138–39. Translated by &lt;i&gt;Exploring the French Revolution &lt;/i&gt;project staff from original documents in French found in John Hardman, &lt;i&gt;French Revolution Documents 1792–95&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 2 (New York: Barnes &amp;amp; Noble Books, 1973), 7–8.</text>
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                <text>The first groups of "brigands" formed in the west in mid–1792, in response most immediately to the call to all citizens to volunteer for the army. In this letter, a local government official, Choudieu, informs the National Convention that the detachment of soldiers it sent to the region has failed to dispel the brigands and asks for more forces, at just the moment when the Prussians have invaded from the north.</text>
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                <text>The Vendée—Description of the Counterrevolution</text>
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                <text>August 25, 1793</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Thus terminates in exile, and in prison, the most extraordinary life yet known to political history. The vicissitudes of such a life, indeed, are the most valuable lessons which history can furnish. Connected with, and founded on, the principles of his character, the varieties of fortune which Buonaparte experienced are of a nature to illustrate the most useful maxims of benevolence, patriotism, or discretion. They embrace both extremes of the condition of man in society, and therefore address themselves to all ranks of human beings. But Buonaparte was our enemy—our defeated enemy—and, as Englishmen, we must not tarnish our triumphs over the living warrior by unmanly injustice towards the dead. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; . . . It may, we confess, be no satisfaction to the French, nor any great consolation to the rest of Europe, to know through what means it was, or by what vicious training, that Buonaparte was fitted, nay, predestined almost, to be a scourge and destroyer of the rights of nations, instead of employing a power irresistible, and which, in such a cause, none would have felt disposed to resist, for the promotion of knowledge, peace, and liberty throughout the world. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; . . . But he had left himself no resource. He had extinguished liberty in France, and had no hold upon his subjects, but their love of military glory. Conquest, therefore, succeeded to conquest, until nothing capable of subjugation was left to be subdued. Insolence, and rapacity, in the victor, produced, among the enslaved nations, impatience of their misery, and a thirst for vengeance. Injustice undermined itself, and Buonaparte, with his unseasoned empire, fell together, the pageant of a day. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>J. Ashton, English Caricature and Satire on napoleon the First, 2 vols. (London, 1884): II: pp. 261-264.</text>
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                <text>On the occasion of Napoleon’s death, the leading English paper expressed the view of the English establishment: hatred of his despotic rule, yet a kind of sneaking admiration of his “extraordinary life.”</text>
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                <text>The View of the &lt;i&gt;London Times&lt;/i&gt; (5 July 1821)</text>
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                <text>July 5, 1821</text>
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        <name>Napoleon Bonaparte</name>
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              <text>Le serment des Voraces</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Bibliothèque Nationale de France&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>This fascinating print is modeled on Jacques–Louis David’s &lt;em&gt;Oath of the Horatii&lt;/em&gt;. In that famous painting, the artist sought to exemplify patriotic virtue by showing an austere father making his sons swear to defend Roman honor. Here this image turns David’s idea on its head, as aristocrats seem to be in league to some nefarious end. The woman on the right, quite unlike the approving, if resigned, female in David, shows her revolutionary disapproval through a forlorn expression.</text>
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                <text>The Voracious Oath</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/60/|&lt;span&gt;Collection de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 71 (pièces 9302-9376), Restauration et Cent-Jours&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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              <text>Réception d'un Marquis aux Enfers</text>
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                <text>The image points out the destruction of the nobility, depicting the arrival in Hell of a "marquis" and several other "aristocrats," described in the legend as "conspirators" and "traitors."</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/121/|Michel Hennin. &lt;em&gt;Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France&lt;/em&gt;. Tome 121, Pièces 10614-10713, période : 1790|&lt;span&gt;de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 20 (pièces 3419-3600), Ancien Régime et Révolution&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>This image demonstrates the necessity of nationalizing church property. It shows a peasant cutting the fingers off a priest’s hands; a nobleman cannot bear to watch, but has no qualms about putting on the gloves the clergyman will no longer need. Although the focus is on the clergy, the noble’s greed is clearly in evidence.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Philadelphia Jan. 3. 1793&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;DEAR SIR&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The tone of your letters had for some time given me pain, on account of the extreme warmth with which they censured the proceedings of the Jacobins of France. I considered that sect as the same with the Republican patriots, and the Feuillants as the Monarchical patriots, well known in the early part of the revolution, and but little distant in their views, both having in object the establishment of a free constitution, and differing only on the question whether their chief Executive should be hereditary or not. The Jacobins (as since called) yielded to the Feuillants and tried the experiment of retaining their hereditary Executive. The experiment failed completely, and would have brought on the reestablishment of despotism had it been pursued. The Jacobins saw this, and that the expunging that officer was of absolute necessity, and the Nation was with them in opinion, for however they might have been formerly for the constitution framed by the first assembly, they were come over from their hope in it, and were now generally Jacobins. In the struggle which was necessary, many guilty persons fell without the forms of trial, and with them some innocent. These I deplore as much as any body, and shall deplore some of them to the day of my death. But I deplore them as I should have done had they fallen in battle. It was necessary to use the arm of the people, a machine not quite so blind as balls and bombs, but blind to a certain degree. A few of their cordial friends met at their hands, the fate of enemies. But time and truth will rescue and embalm their memories, while their posterity will be enjoying that very liberty for which they would never have hesitated to offer up their lives. The liberty of the whole earth was depending on the issue of the contest, and was ever such a prize won with so little innocent blood? My own affections have been deeply wounded by some of the martyrs to this cause, but rather than it should have failed, I would have seen half the earth desolated. Were there but an Adam and an Eve left in every country, and left free, it would be better than as it now is. I have expressed to you my sentiments, because they are really those of 99 in an hundred of our citizens. The universal feasts, and rejoicings which have lately been had on account of the successes of the French shewed the genuine effusions of their hearts. You have been wounded by the sufferings of your friends, and have by this circumstance been hurried into a temper of mind which would be extremely disrelished if known to your countrymen. The reserve of &lt;i&gt;the Pres. of the U.S.&lt;/i&gt; had never permitted me to discover the light in which he viewed it, and as I was more anxious that you should satisfy him than me, I had still avoided explanations with you on the subject. But your [letter] 113 induced him to break silence and to notice the extreme acrimony of your expressions. He added that he had been informed the sentiments you expressed &lt;i&gt;in your conversations&lt;/i&gt; were equally offensive to our allies, and that you should consider yourself as the representative of your country and that what you say, might be imputed to your constituents. He desired me therefore to write to you on this subject. He added that he considered &lt;i&gt;France as the sheet anchor of this country and its friendship as a first object.&lt;/i&gt; There are in the U.S. some characters of opposite principles; some of them are high in office, others possessing great wealth, and all of them hostile to France and fondly looking to England as the staff of their hope. These I named to you on a former occasion. Their prospects have certainly not brightened. Excepting them, this country is entirely republican, friends to the constitution, anxious to preserve it and to have it administered according to it's [&lt;i&gt;sic&lt;/i&gt;] own republican principles. The little party above mentioned have espoused it only as a stepping stone to monarchy, and have endeavored to approximate it to that in it's [&lt;i&gt;sic&lt;/i&gt;] administration, in order to render it's [&lt;i&gt;sic&lt;/i&gt;] final transition more easy. The successes of republicanism in France have given the coup de grace to their prospects, and I hope to their projects.—I have developed to you faithfully the sentiments of your country, that you may govern yourself accordingly. I know your republicanism to be pure, and that it is no decay of that which has embittered you against it's[&lt;i&gt;sic&lt;/i&gt;] votaries in France, but too great a sensibility at the partial evil by which it's object has been accomplished there. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Thomas Jefferson, "Letter to William Short" (3 January 1793), Thomas Jefferson Papers at the Library of Congress, Series 1, Reel 17.</text>
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                <text>Although deeply sympathetic to the French in general and the revolutionary cause in particular, Thomas Jefferson (1743–1826) deplored the excesses of violence that took place even before the implementation of the Reign of Terror. Still, he believed that many of the steps taken by the French, such as deposing their king, had been necessary, and claimed that most North Americans supported the French. The Terror would later make him reconsider still more, though without renouncing the Revolution entirely. Here he explains himself to the secretary he had used while working in France.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The number of individuals in France is about 26 million; but according to calculations that seem to be very definite, the number of active citizens, with deductions made for women, minors, and all those who are deprived of political rights for legitimate reasons, is reduced to one-sixth of the total population. One must only count therefore about 4,400,000 citizens qualifying to vote in the primary assemblies of their canton [local administrative unit]. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The Committee proposes that the necessary qualifications for the title of active citizen in the primary assembly of the canton be: (1) to be French or to have become French; (2) to have reached one's majority [be a legal adult; the age was set at 25]; (3) to have resided in the canton for at least one year; (4) to pay direct taxes at a rate equal to the local value of three days of work, a value that will be assessed in monetary terms by the provincial assemblies; (5) to not be at the moment a servant, that is to say, in personal relationships that are all too incompatible with the independence necessary to the exercise of political rights.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;To be eligible for office, either at the town or departmental level, one must have fulfilled all the conditions cited above with the sole difference that instead of paying a direct tax equal to the local value of three days of work, one must pay one equal to the value of ten days of work.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>The materials listed below appeared originally in &lt;i&gt;The French Revolution and Human Rights: A Brief Documentary History, &lt;/i&gt;translated, edited, and with an introduction by Lynn Hunt (Boston/New York: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1996), 82.</text>
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                <text>Jacques–Guillaume Thouret (1746–94), a lawyer from Rouen, spoke for the Constitutional Committee of the National Assembly that included, among others, Sieyès and Rabaut Saint–Etienne. His report formed the basis for the subsequent legislation on qualifications for voting and officeholding.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;We ask that the luxurious way of life of the nobility be restrained. A kitchen fire is necessary, but it could be smaller. Monsieur and Madame could share a chimney and so could the children of the house. The servants could have two chimneys: one for the men; another for the women. In this way, a lot of firewood could be saved. The people could buy it for less, because it does cost a lot, maybe as much as the bread. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Juvaincourt&lt;/i&gt; (Bailliage Mirecourt)&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;To be represented in the Estates-General, we cannot choose a lord, nor a noble without facing the greatest danger. There are some human, generous, and kind lords. But they can be jealous of their rights and their privileges and can keep us under their dependence. We should not trust any gentleman who approaches us or have his servants approach us in order to be elected. We need to be convinced that their plans are [intended to] trap us and they only want to cheat us. As farmers, we have only good and trustworthy people among our class: the Third Estate. If we seek our representatives somewhere else, our interests will be sacrificed and we will keep on being poor.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Vieuvic&lt;/i&gt; (Bailliage Orléans)&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It is not only the members of the clergy who made themselves useful, and who deserve considerations and rewards, but also the members of the nobility who sacrificed to the nation their fortune, their youth, and their health in the military service. Because the Third Estate recognizes how much the nobility is useful to it, and how much it deserves considerations and distinctions, the Third Estate does not believe that by taking away just rewards, it is possible to provide for the needs of the government, but rather by bringing order and economy in all the branches of the administration of finances.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;P. Riviere-Verdun&lt;i&gt;&lt;br /&gt; Montouse (Hautes-Pyrénées)&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1789-00-00</text>
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                <text>Pierre Goubert and Michel Denis, &lt;i&gt;1789: Les Français ont la parole&lt;/i&gt; (Paris: Juillard, 1964), 80–81.</text>
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                <text>The &lt;i&gt;cahiers de doléances&lt;/i&gt; ("list of grievances") drawn up by each assembly in choosing deputies to the Estates–General are the best available source of the thoughts of the French population on the eve of the French Revolution. The following excerpts from workers’ cahiers in various towns around the kingdom again show an important complaint: that nobles and officeholders enjoyed numerous privileges and that such offices were not usually open to the most qualified members of society.</text>
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                <text>Three Cahiers from Orléans</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/369/</text>
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