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              <text>1797-05-15</text>
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                <text>Venetian Republic occupied by France.</text>
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                <text>May 15, 1797</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Sire, I will confine myself to showing how M. Necker and his works must look strange and harmful to all the good administrators of the state.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;M. Necker suggests that the state has always hidden statements of finances. He goes on to say that the Kings talked about it only in the preamble of edicts which he suggests have no authority at all by affirming that experienced men do not believe in it anymore. Finally he says that the Finance Minister's moral characteristics have become the Monarch's only guarantee. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I suggest that Your Majesty pay more specific attention to these strange assumptions. It is said that twenty-thousand copies of the report are on the street now. So twenty-thousand French citizens, curious about Your Majesty's business, are told that the King's word means nothing in the preamble of edicts. It is said all over France that experienced men do not believe in the King's word anymore. Also, the Minister's moral characteristics represent the last safety for the State. No, Sire, I am not inspired by a feeling of flattery; nor by M. Necker's character. I am only inspired by an outstanding monarch with integrity. M. Necker has only obtained just and striking criticism on the improper and costly ways he borrowed money. He will not succeed in convincing the French people that he represents your only guarantee.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;He will nourish unhappy people's malice by maintaining that a state in disorder does not deserve credit. Nevertheless, I am sure of the French people's patriotism and devotion. If in the last century events wore them out, this new reign has revitalized all feelings. The English example of publishing accounts concerns only a worried calculator and selfish people. To apply it to France is to insult French patriotism. In fact, the French are sentimentalists, confident and entirely devoted to their kings. Everything will be lost in France, Sire, if Your Majesty allows His ministers to imitate the English administration for which Your Majesty's ancestors have shown so many and just aversions. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Without misleading Your Majesty, I affirm that, until now, the state has only been insulted by unhappy people. It is then new in our history when M. Necker tells the party, that he calls public opinion, that, under a good king, a monarchical friend of the people, that the Finance Minister has become the only hope, the only guarantee to the experts who observe the government. M. Necker will not terminate the damage done to the dignity of the throne.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1781-00-00</text>
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                <text>Vergennes, "Mémoire contre Necker" (1781), in J.-L. Soulavie, ed., &lt;i&gt;Mémoires historiques et politiques du règne de Louis XVI,&lt;/i&gt; vol. 4 (Paris: 1801), 56–59.</text>
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                <text>In 1781, after the failure of two successive finance ministers, Turgot and then Necker, to reform the royal bureaucracy, and after the death of his politically astute first minister Maurepas, Louis XVI turned to a more conservative politician, Count Charles Gravier de Vergennes, to shore up his support at court and with the &lt;i&gt;Parlements&lt;/i&gt;. Vergennes was, for several years, quite successful, partly by blaming the monarchy’s woes on the now–departed reformers. In this pamphlet, Vergennes attacks Necker and denies the need for any reforms or limits on royal power.</text>
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                <text>Vergennes, "Memorandum against Necker" (1781)</text>
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                <text>1781</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;At three I go to the Club to meet the Gentleman with whom I engaged to dine at Table d'Hôte. We go thither and have a good Dinner for 3; Coffee &amp;amp;c., included the Price of the Dinner is 48 &lt;i&gt;francs&lt;/i&gt;. After Dinner walk a little under the Arcade of the Palais Royal waiting for my Carriage. In this Period the Head and Body of M. de Foulon are introduced in Triumph. The Head on a Pike, the Body dragged naked on the Earth. Afterwards this horrible Exhibition is carried through the different Streets. His Crime is to have accepted a Place in the Ministry. This mutilated Form of an old Man of seventy five is shown to Berthier, his Son in Law, the Intendant of Paris, and afterwards he also is put to Death and cut to Pieces, the Populace carrying about the mangled Fragments with a Savage Joy. Gracious God, what a People!&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Georges Pernoud and Sabine Flaissier, eds., &lt;i&gt;The French Revolution&lt;/i&gt;, trans. Richard Graves (New York: Capricorn Books, 1961), 55.</text>
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                <text>Meaningless violence was precisely how the Duchess of Gontaut viewed the events of July 14th, especially the murder of the military governor of the Bastille and of the mayor of Paris, whose heads were placed on pikes and paraded around the city.</text>
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                <text>July 14, 1789</text>
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                <text>Victory of General Brune at Casticum, in the eastern Mediterranean against the British and the Russians.</text>
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                <text>Victory of Ratisbon against Austria.</text>
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                <text>Victory of Wagram over Austria.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Freedom is the first right that man receives from nature. It is a sacred and inalienable right, and nothing should take it from him. Slavery is therefore nothing more than an abuse of power.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;France has had the good fortune of seeing [slavery] disappear from its continent. But unjustly, it had the cruelty to establish it in its colonies. It is a violation of all the laws of society and of humanity. If ever there is an opportunity to banish this barbarous abuse from French soil, if ever an opportunity presents itself to break the chains of slavery, it is no doubt now at a moment when man is more imbued than ever with the truth that all men are equal in the eyes of their Creator and before the eternal law that an invisible hand has inscribed in their hearts. It is at this moment that all their efforts to abolish and erase to the last trace of their former enslavement come together.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Gentlemen, it seems to me that the time has come to present to you possibly the largest, the most noble, and most dignified of projects for posterity which alone could immortalize this august body—the abolition of slavery.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Raise up the nature of man degraded and demeaned, return man to his dignity, restore to him his basic rights . . . this is an action worthy of French generosity. Atone for so many centuries of this affront to humanity, and, if possible, erase all crimes of cupidity. It is an act worthy of our sense of justice.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Already a rival nation, which has so many claims to our esteem, has taken care of this matter. Let us take heed of its generous scope. The task of setting this important example is up to France, it is up to you Sirs, and it will earn you the homage and veneration of the whole world. I admit it . . . the heart is seduced and drawn to such a beautiful and noble enterprise. It is so very pleasant to exercise charity by placing alms into the hands of the poor and spread happiness there. It is impossible not to feel, I would not say pity and compassion, but rather tenderness, and a powerful interest in those poor unfortunate people, those unhappy victims of our excesses and of our insatiable and cruel avarice.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;There is no kind of cruelty or barbarity to which they [the slaves] have not been exposed, nor is there any hideous crime which we have not committed towards them. The most horrendous of means are used to make the slave trade profitable. We incite war and carnage in their country, and by the lure of a few trivial items, we purchase the awful right to enchain them and treat them like a vile herd of cattle . . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;[He then traces the horrors of slave ships and chattel auctions. Then Essars begins enumerating the reasons for abolishing the slave trade and concludes with a draft of the law abolishing the trade:]&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Article I. Slavery shall be and shall remain abolished in every country under French rule in the manner described in the following articles. Men, arriving there, shall be free and shall there enjoy all of their rights.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;II. The slave trade is and shall remain abolished upon publication of this decree. All Blacks who arrive or who are brought to French colonies or to any other part of the realm, by any means or by any person, shall be free six months after said publication.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;III. All of the slaves currently residing in the French colonies shall be successively freed and placed at liberty over a sixteen year period, one-sixteenth each year, the first being freed upon publication of this decree.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;IV. Slaves above the age of seventy shall be the first to be freed. However they shall remain the charges of their masters who shall be required to feed and care for them, or to provide an annual stipend for their feeding and care in a charity home that shall be built for that purpose.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;V. Married slaves who have the most children shall be the next to be freed, and freedom shall be granted to all members of the family at the same time. As freed fathers and mothers, their children can not be slaves.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;VI. Children on a property below the age of fifteen having neither father nor mother shall continue to be raised and fed until the time established for the complete end of slavery. Then, steps shall be taken to provide for their subsistence and any payments that may be due to the masters that have fed them, without their making a profit from it.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;VII. All Blacks who have worked for twenty years on the same property or who are forty years of age and not able to earn a living and who prefer to remain shall be fed. This shall also apply to the disabled and ill on a property. If they do not like their masters, their subsistence shall be paid for in the charity home to be built.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;VIII. The slaves who shall be freed shall enjoy, from that moment on, all of the benefits of the law to contract, sell, purchase and make commerce as well as all of the other rights of a citizen.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;IX. From this day, the Black Code is and shall remain abolished and repealed as inhuman and barbarous. It is forbidden for property foremen, masters, and slave drivers to punish [Blacks] or have them punished, or to arbitrarily strike them or have them struck by reason of their authority for any motive or pretext. And it is forbidden for any person to claim the right to inflict any sort of punishment on [the Blacks], and from this moment on they are placed under the protection of the law.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;X. A legal system shall be established in each quarter that shall be made up of eight notables who, without remuneration, will deal exclusively with the problems concerning the Blacks in conformance with the law which shall be passed. The notables must be a majority of five in order to pass judgment.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XI. The master who has reason to complain about his slave may not dispense his own justice as stated in Article IX at the risk of punishment in accordance with the requirements of the case. He shall be required to refer to the system of justice previously mentioned.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XII. Blacks shall be allowed to marry amongst themselves regardless of their master's opposition. That is to say those who profess the Catholic religion in accordance with the conventions prescribed by the Church and the laws of the realm, the others following the conventions established for non-Catholics. The master to whom the man belongs shall be obliged to purchase the woman should she belong to another master, or, if he prefers, may sell the other master his Black at a set price, in order that [the couple] may live together. They shall be given a separate cabana.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XIII. It is expressly forbidden to require the wife to work during the last six weeks of her pregnancy and during the first six weeks after delivery.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XIV. The master who best treats those living on his property shall receive a reward that shall be decided by factoring in how many children where born there and the number and gender of his slaves.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XV. Property belonging to all persons of color who die without children and without having disposed of their property shall be given to the black family having the most children who have neither property nor means of subsistence. If the property is large, it shall be divided in as many portions as deemed necessary for each family. The poorest, and those with the most children, shall receive preference.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XVI. If there are infertile or abandoned grounds that are applicable, they shall be divided and distributed as those identified in the previous Article and it shall be passed to new colonists if deemed necessary for the first year of ground clearing.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XVII. The commissioners chosen and appointed to oversee the execution of this decree, shall see to the means of ensuring the subsistence of the newly-freed slaves, in order to attach them to the soil through ownership, and to [seal] the principles of humanity and justice, with all that those ideas can bring to the safety and prosperity of the colonies.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Jean-Louis Viefville des Essars, &lt;i&gt;Discours et projet de loi pour l'affranchissement des negrès ou l'adoucissement de leur régime, et réponse aux objections des colons&lt;/i&gt; (Paris, n.d.).</text>
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                <text>This project to free the slaves in the French colonies was presented to the National Assembly. The defensive tone and rhetorical structure that emerge in the course of this document demonstrate the power of the interests opposed to even cautious steps toward emancipation.</text>
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                <text>340</text>
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                <text>Viefville des Essars, &lt;i&gt;On the Emancipation of the Negroes&lt;/i&gt; (1790)</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/340/</text>
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                <text>1790</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;To Madame de Bombelles:&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;. . . . But, to return to my account of Tuesday, the women and the people in courtyards demanded that the King should come to Paris and this was decided upon at eleven o'clock. Then the King and the Queen showed themselves on the balcony of the King's room. There were shouts of &lt;i&gt;Vive le Roi! La Reine! La Nation! Le Roi à Paris, &lt;/i&gt;and others I could not distinguish.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;M. de La Fayette in an eloquent address to the people made them renew their oath of allegiance in the presence of the King. At last, at one o'clock we got into our carriages. Versailles greeted our departure with demonstrations of joy. We went on our way, surrounded by the whole of the National Guard and by several gentlemen of the Bodyguard on foot, who had exchanged their hats with the forage caps of the Grenadiers. I forgot to say that after the King had appeared on the balcony of the Palace, they had also shown themselves and had thrown away their bandoliers and their hats as a sign of peace. The King had asked the people to leave them alone and not to chase them any longer. I keep on thinking of them and always with pleasure, for no troops could have behaved themselves better. They really acted like angels. The shouts of &lt;i&gt;Vive le Roi! Vive la Nation! &lt;/i&gt;and down with the priests began at dawn and continued until we had reached the Hôtel de Ville. At Paris there are only the King, the Queen, Monsieur, Madame, the children and I. My aunts are at Bellevue. My rooms look on to the courtyard. On Wednesday a crowd assembled beneath my windows calling for the King and the Queen! I went to fetch them. The Queen spoke with the charm you know so well and the way she conducted herself that morning did her good with the people. The whole day they had to show themselves at the windows, for the courtyard and the garden continued to be crowded. At present there are fewer people and the National Guard are keeping order. On Thursday there was some excitement at the Mont-de-Piété, because the press had published something about the Queen having promised to pay for all pawned objects on which less than a louis had been advanced—that would have been a matter of three million francs. You can guess the motive for spreading this rumour. It would be impossible for anyone to show more grace and courage than the Queen has done during the last week.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1789-10-00</text>
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                <text>Georges Pernoud and Sabine Flaissier, &lt;i&gt;The French Revolution, &lt;/i&gt;translated by Richard Graves (New York: Capricorn Books, 1970), 68–9.</text>
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                <text>In this letter to a friend, Madame Elizabeth, Louis XVI’s younger sister, takes an upbeat approach to the October march on Versailles. Even though the demonstrations clearly threatened the royal family, even forcing the Queen to flee her chambers, the outpouring of support obviously swayed the princess’s views. The actions of the crowd clearly indicated their split view that allowed a rage focussed against royalty to be combined with vocal approbation.</text>
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                <text>View from the Top: the October Days</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/305/</text>
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                <text>October 1789</text>
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              <text>25.5 x 39.5 cm</text>
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              <text>Vue de la montagne elevée au Champ de la Reunion</text>
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              <text>&lt;span&gt;pour la fête qui y a été célebrée en l'honneur de l'Etre Suprême le Decadi 20 Prairial de l'an 2.me de la Republique Française&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Bibliothèque Nationale de France&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>In this watercolor of the Festival of the Supreme Being, we see a procession that includes a woman wearing a Phrygian cap paraded past a statue of Hercules holding two smaller statues of Liberty and Equality, towards a Liberty tree, atop the hill. In the foreground, a patriotic woman explains the meaning of the spectacle to her young son, an allegory of the didactic intent of the entire festival.</text>
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                <text>Public Domain</text>
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                <text>View of the Mound of Champ de la Reunion on the Festival That Was Celebrated in Honor of the Supreme Being</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/21/|&lt;span&gt;Michel Hennin. &lt;em&gt;Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France&lt;/em&gt;. Tome 135, Pièces 11862-11947, période : 1794&lt;/span&gt;|&lt;span&gt;de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 46 (pièces 6283-6356), Ancien Régime et Révolution&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;A Declaration of Rights made by the representatives of the good people of Virginia, assembled in full and free Convention; which rights do pertain to them, and their posterity, as the basis and foundation of government.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I. That all men are by nature equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their posterity; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;II. That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from the people; that Magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;III. That government is or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security of the people, nation, or community; of all the various modes and forms of government, that is best, which is capable of producing the greatest degree of happiness and safety, and is most effectually secured against the danger of mal-administration; and that when any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community hath an indubitable, unalienable, and indefeasible right, to reform, alter, or abolish it, in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;IV. That no man, or set of men, are entitled to exclusive or separate emoluments or privileges from the community, but in consideration of public services; which not being descendible, neither ought the offices of Magistrate, Legislator, or Judge to be hereditary.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;V. That the Legislative and Executive powers of the State should be separate and distinct from the Judiciary; and that the members of the two first may be restrained from oppression, by feeling and participating the burthens of the people, they should, at fixed periods, be reduced to a private station, return into that body from which they were originally taken, and the vacancies by supplied by frequent, certain, and regular elections, in which all, or any part of the former members, to be again eligible, or ineligible, as the laws shall direct.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;VI. That elections of members to serve as representatives of the people, in Assembly, ought to be free; and that all men having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with and attachment to, the community, have the right of suffrage, and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property for public uses without their own consent, or that of their representatives so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not, in like manner, assented for the public good.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;VII. That all power of suspending laws, or the execution of laws, by any authority without consent of the representatives of the people, is injurious to their rights and ought not to be exercised.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;VIII. That in all capital or criminal prosecutions a man hath a right to demand the cause and nature of his accusation, to be confronted with the accusers and witnesses, to call for evidence in his favor, and to a speedy trial by an impartial jury of his vicinage, without whose unanimous consent he cannot be found guilty, nor can he be compelled to give evidence against himself; that no man be deprived of his liberty except by the law of the land, or the judgment of his peers.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;IX. That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;X. That general warrants, whereby an officer or messenger may be commanded to search suspected places without evidence of a fact committed, or to seize any person or persons not names, or whose offence is not particularly described and supported by evidence, are grievous and oppressive, and ought not to be granted.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XI. That in controversies respecting property, and in suits between man and man, the ancient trial by jury is preferable to any other and ought to be held sacred.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XII. That the freedom of the press is one of the great bulwarks of liberty, and can never be restrained but by despotic governments.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XIII. That a well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defence of a free state; that standing armies, in time of peace, should be avoided, as dangerous to liberty; and in all cases, the military should be under strict subordination to, and governed by, the civil power.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XIV. That the people have a right to uniform government; and therefore, that no government separate from, or independent of, the government of Virginia, ought to be erected or established within the limits thereof.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XV. That no free government, or the blessing of liberty, can be preserved to any people but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue, and by frequent recurrence to fundamental principles.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XVI. That religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence, and therefore all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; and that it is the mutual duty of all to practise Christian forbearance, love, and charity towards each other.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Kate Mason Rowland, &lt;i&gt;The Life of George Mason, 1725–1792&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 1 (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1892), 438–41.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="5383">
                <text>The &lt;i&gt;Declaration of Rights &lt;/i&gt;drafted in 1776 by George Mason for the state constitution of Virginia influenced both Jefferson’s &lt;i&gt;Declaration of Independence&lt;/i&gt; and the &lt;i&gt;French Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen&lt;/i&gt;. It clearly states that rights are "the basis and foundation of government." The Virginia &lt;i&gt;Declaration of Rights&lt;/i&gt; also influenced the drafting of the &lt;i&gt;Bill of Rights&lt;/i&gt; added to the &lt;i&gt;U.S. Constitution&lt;/i&gt; as the first ten amendments.</text>
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            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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                <text>270</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Virginia’s &lt;i&gt;Declaration of Rights&lt;/i&gt; (1776)</text>
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            <name>Relation</name>
            <description>A related resource</description>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/270/</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="11393">
                <text>1776</text>
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        <name>Enlightenment</name>
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        <name>Laws</name>
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      <tag tagId="26">
        <name>Middle Classes – Bourgeoisie</name>
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        <name>Popular Politics</name>
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        <name>Public Opinion</name>
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        <name>The US and Great Britain in Revolution</name>
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