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                <text>An assassination attempt on Bonaparte occurs in the rue Saint–Niçâise.</text>
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                <text>December 24, 1800</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;You know Messieurs that more than ten years ago, when the nation had not yet explained its desire on provincial assemblies, I started substituting ancient and long habits for this kind of administration. Experience showed me I was not wrong, and I tried to establish this kind of administration to all the provinces of my kingdom. And to assure a general trust to all the new administrations, I wanted their members to be elected freely by all the citizens. You improved these views in many different ways, and the most important one, I think, deals with an equal subdivision. It weakens the former separations from province to province, it establishes a general and complete system of balance, and it gathers to a same spirit and a same interest all the different parts of the kingdom. We owe you this great idea. All this could be done because the Nation representatives wanted to do it, and also because of their influence on the public opinion.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I will favor, I will assist by all the means in my power, the success of this vast organization, in which the safety of France depends on. I am too busy with the interior situation of the kingdom, my eyes are fully open on the various dangers around us, and I think it is necessary to say that a new order has to be established with calm and quietness, or else the kingdom will be exposed to all kind of calamities. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Let's do our best to accomplish our hopes through a unanimous agreement. Everybody should know that the Monarch and the Nation representatives have the same interests and the same desires, so the opinion will spread in the provinces a spirit of peace and goodwill. Also all the commendable citizens need to hasten to take part in the different subdivisions of the general administration, whose linking and the whole must participate effectively to reestablish order and prosperity in the kingdom.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I will defend, I will maintain the constitutional freedom, whose general desire has devoted principles. I will do more, and together with the Queen, who shares all my feelings, I will prepare early the spirit and the heart of my son to the new order of things. I will teach him at a very young age to be happy for the French people's happiness. I will also tell him that a wise Constitution will preserve him from the dangers of inexperience, and also a fair freedom will add a new price to the feelings of love and fidelity.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I shall not doubt that you will take care with wisdom and ardor to the strengthening of the executive power. Without it a durable order could not exist. It is your duty, as citizens and as faithful representatives of the Nation, to assure the State and the public freedom that everything will remain stable. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I cannot talk about the main interests of the State without urging you to take care of everything concerning the reestablishment of finances. It is time to calm all fears down. It is time to give this kingdom all its strength back. You cannot do everything at the same time. So when you will have made decisions about Justice, when you will have assured the foundations of a perfect balance between incomes and expenses, finally when you will have finished the work with the Constitution, you will be publicly recognized. New means of prosperity will be added to the successive continuation of National Assemblies. May this day, when your Monarch comes to unite with you in the most honest and personal ways, be an unforgettable time in the history of this empire!&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1790-02-04</text>
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                <text>M. J. Mavidal and M. E. Laurent, eds., &lt;i&gt;Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860, &lt;/i&gt;première série (1787 à 1799), 2d ed., 82 vols. (Paris: Dupont, 1879–1913), 1:429–31.</text>
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                <text>On 4 February 1790, the Marquis de Favras was executed for plotting to spirit the King out of France and stage a coup against the Constituent Assembly. The exposure of this plot generated such negative publicity for the crown that after the execution, the King addressed the Constituent Assembly and condemned Favras, declaring his support for the Revolution. At Necker’s prompting, he here "places himself at the head of the Revolution" and declares fidelity to the "nation" and to the constitution. In return, he requests that the National Assembly take up at last the question of the deficit. The speech is enthusiastically received in the assembly, and Pierre–Victor Malouet, a leading supporter of the crown, tries to exploit this support by asking the assembly to vote to confirm Louis as head of the army and state—ensuring a powerful executive role for the King in the new constitution. However, Malouet’s proposal is not adopted. Although an apparently well–thought–out and necessary attempt at conciliation, the speech is seen by hard–liners at court as a humiliating capitulation.</text>
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                <text>An Attempt at Conciliation: The Royal Address of 4 February 1790</text>
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                <text>February 4, 1790</text>
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                <text>Cornell DC140.9 F87++ Box4 71a</text>
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                <text>Similar to the two engravings of trees, this engraving contrasts English order with French anarchy. On the left, a lion (representing England) sits at the foot of a chiseled rock, part of which is labeled "Unanimity." A crown appears over the rock; a unicorn lies behind it. To the right, a multiheaded serpent representing France writhes around a broken flag reading "Anarchy."</text>
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                <text>An Emblematical View of the Constitutions of England and France</text>
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              <text>Trait de Courage Héroïque</text>
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              <text>An Example of Heroic Courage</text>
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              <text>Des brigands de la Vendée, s’étant rendus maîtres de Saint-Mithier, entrèrent dans une maison pour y exercer leur scélératesse ; ils furent surpris d’y trouver une femme entourée de ses enfants, assise tranquillement dans sa boutique près d’un baril de poudre, tenant deux pistolets à la main, dans la ferme résolution de faire sauter sa maison et toute sa famille, plutot que de tomber au pouvoir de ces forcenés. Son courage et cette mâle contenance leur en impofèrent, et son asile fut respecté. Se trouve chez le Cit. Pézard, M[archan]d d’Estampes, rue Jacques no. 64 à Paris. Et chez le Cit. Cazenave, graveur, même rue no. 13.</text>
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              <text>Some brigands from the Vendée, having made themselves masters of Saint-Mithier, entered a house to exercise their wickedness; they were surprised to find a woman surrounded by her children, sitting calmly in her shop near a barrel of powder, holding two pistols in the firm resolution to blow up her house and all her family rather than concede to the power of these madmen. Her courage and manly countenance impressed them, and her sanctuary was respected. . . .</text>
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              <text>1793-00-00</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Bibliothèque Nationale de France&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>In this rendition of an incident from the Vendée rebellion, an ordinary woman is shown standing up to the rebels. It comes from a series of heroic images of the Revolution and shows that women could be heroines for the Republic.</text>
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                <text>J. Frédéric Cazenave (designer)</text>
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                <text>Jean Thouvenin (engraver)</text>
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                <text>An Example of Heroic Courage</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/66/|Michel Hennin. &lt;em&gt;Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France&lt;/em&gt;. Tome 134, Pièces 11754-11861, période : 1793</text>
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                <text>1793-1794</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;There were six companies of 100 men each, embarked in two frigates, 300 in each. I was on board the &lt;i&gt;Melpomene&lt;/i&gt;. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; During the six days' sail to Lisbon, my thoughts were not the most agreeable. I was on my way to that country in which I had already suffered so much. My health was good but my spirits were very low. I could not yet bring [myself] to associate with the other men, so as to feel pleasure in their amusements. I found it necessary to humor them in many things and be obliging to all. I was still called saucy and courted by my comrades to join them. I had changed my bedfellow more than once; they not liking my dry manner, as they called it. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; On the seventh day after leaving Deal we were landed at Blackhorse Square, Lisbon, amidst the shouts of the inhabitants. We were marched to the top of the town and billeted in a convent. A good many were billeted in the town, the convent being not large enough to contain us. I was billeted upon a cook-shop. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Two years before, while encamped before Lisbon, I had often wished to enter the town; now I as ardently wished to leave it. I was sickened every hour of the day with the smell of garlic and oil. Everything there is fried in oil that will fry. Oil and garlic is their universal relish. Cleanliness they have not the least conception of. The town is a dunghill from end to end; their principal squares are not even free from heaps of filth. You may make a shift to walk by the side of streets with clean shoes; but cross one, if you dare. I inquired at one of our regiment, who had been left sick, if they had any scavengers? “Yes,” said he, “they have one.” “He will have a great many under him?” “None.” “What a folly, to have only one to such a city!” “And that one, only when he may please to come.” “You joke with me.” “No, I don't. The rain is their street-cleaner; he will be here soon; there will be clean streets while he remains; then they prepare work for him again.” &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; We had not been three hours in the town, and were busy cooking, when the alarm sounded. There were nine British and three Portuguese regiments in the town. We were all drawn up and remained under arms, expecting every moment to receive the enemy, whose skirmishers covered Windmill Hill. In about an hour the light companies of all the regiments were ordered out, alongst with the 71st. Colonel Cadogan called to us, at the foot of the hill, “My lads, this is the first affair I have ever been in with you; show me what you can do, now or never.” We gave a hurra and advanced up the hill, driving their advanced skirmishers before us, until about half way up, when we commenced a heavy fire and were as hotly received. In the meantime, the remaining regiments evacuated the town. The enemy pressed so hard upon us we were forced to make the best of our way down the hill and were closely followed by the French, through the town, up Gallows Hill. We got behind a mud wall and kept our ground in spite of their utmost efforts. Here we lay upon our arms all night. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Next morning, by daybreak, there was not a Frenchman to be seen. As soon as the sun was fairly up we advanced into the town and began a search for provisions, which were now become very scarce; and to our great joy found a large store-house full of dry fish, flour, rice and sugar, besides bales of cloth. All now became bustle and mirth; fires were kindled and every man became a cook. Scones were the order of the day. Neither flour nor sugar were wanting and the water was plenty; so I fell to make myself a flour scone. Mine was mixed and laid upon the fire, and I, hungry enough, watching it. Though neither neat nor comely, I was anticipating the moment when it would be eatable. Scarce was it warm ere the bugle sounded to arms. Then was the joy that reigned a moment before turned to execrations. I snatched my scone off the fire, raw as it was, put it into my haversack and formed. We remained under arms until dark and then took up our old quarters upon Gallows Hill, where I ate my raw scone, sweetly seasoned by hunger. In advanced to the town, we were much entertained by some of our men who had got over a wall the day before, when the enemy were in the rear, and now were put to their shifts to get over again and scarce could make it out. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Next morning the French advanced to a mud wall about forty yards in front of the one we lay behind. It rained heavily this day and there was very little firing. During the night we received orders to cover the bugle and tartans of our bonnets with black crape, which had been served out to us during the day, and to put on our great coats. Next morning the French, seeing us thus, thought we had retired and left Portuguese to guard the heights. With dreadful shouts, they leaped over that wall before which they had stood, when guarded by the British. We were scarce able to withstand their fury. To retreat was impossible; all behind being ploughed land, rendered deep by the rain. There was not a moment to hesitate. To it we fell, pell-mell, French and British mixed together. It was a trial of strength in single combat; every man had his opponent, many had two. I got one up to the wall, on the point of my bayonet. He was unhurt. I would have spared him, but he would not spare himself. He cursed and defied me, nor ceased to attack my life, until he fell, pierced by my bayonet. His breath died away, in a curse and menace. This was the work of a moment; I was compelled to this extremity. I was again attacked, but my antagonist fell, pierced by a random shot. We soon forced them to retire over the wall, cursing their mistake. At this moment I stood gasping for breath, not a shoe on my feet; my bonnet had fallen to the ground. Unmindful of my situation, I followed the enemy over the wall. We pursued them about a mile and then fell back to the scene of our struggle. It was covered with dead and wounded, bonnets and shoes trampled and stuck in the mud. I recovered a pair of shoes; whether they had been mine or not I cannot tell; they were good. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Here I first got any plunder. A French soldier lay upon the ground dead; he had fallen backwards; his hat had fallen off his head, which was kept up by his knapsack. I stuck the hat with my foot, and felt it rattle; seized it in a moment and, in the lining, found a gold watch and silver crucifix. I kept them; as I had as good a right to them as any other. Yet they were not valuable in my estimation. At this time, life was held by so uncertain a tenure, and my comforts were so scanty, that I would have given the watch for a good meal and a dry shirt. There was not a dry stitch on my back at the time, nor for the next two days. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Christopher Hibbert, ed., A Soldier of the Seventy-First: The Journal of a Soldier of the Highland Light Infantry, 1806-1815 (London: Leo Cooper, 1975), pp. 48-53.</text>
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                <text>This account, probably by Thomas Howell, a soldier of the Highland Light Infantry regiment, offers a firsthand account of the skirmishes between British/Portuguese forces and the French armies. Little is known about Howell except that he was born in 1790 of Methodist parents. His memoir was published shortly after the events described (a second edition dates from 1819).</text>
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                <text>An Ordinary British Soldier Recounts the Portuguese Campaign (1810)</text>
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              <text>Ha, le bon soutien pour la liberté!</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/125/|de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 29 (pièces 4856-5017), Ancien Régime et Révolution</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;In the year 1806, I was drafted with many of my comrades into military service was assigned to the regiment of Romig, which afterward was given the name of Franquemont and of Number 4 and which was in the Ludwigsburg garrison. In the fall I traveled with the regiment to Prussia in the campaign which Emperor Napoleon with the princes who were then his allies, was conducting against Prussia. In the fall we marched through Ellwangen, Nuremberg, Ansbach, Bayreuth, Plauen, Dresden in Saxony, then through Bunzlau into Grossglogau in Silesia, where we remained in garrison for about three weeks. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; During a period from January to March, I had to go with half of the regiment to accompany several convoys of captured Prussians from Glogau back through Crossen, Frankfurt-on-the-Oder, and Dresden, where we were relieved. We were given good quarters everywhere, which kept me always healthy and cheerful in spite of the continuous marching. Furthermore, I was only nineteen years old, a fact which caused me frequently to participate in thoughtless and dangerous enterprises. . . . &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; On this journey from Thorn to Colberg I saw a lake which lay in a forest by a monastery. In this lake were multitudes of frogs which were of a very beautiful bright blue color, and no soldier would quit until he had caught one of these beautiful frogs. Beyond this region we came to a little town in which the largest part of the inhabitants were Jews. The same day we had had to walk several miles through swamps and snow water up to our knees; and, when quarters were taken there for the evening, I and four other men came into a Jew's house. The room was full of straw and goats. Since neither fire nor wood was to be had, we went into the next room to lodge, looked for the Jew, and took him into custody; for only by applying such stern treatment could we induce the wife to bring us food on her husband's account. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; While we were besieging the fortress of Colberg, we were assigned a camp in a swampy place. Since wood and even straw were rarely to be had, the barracks were built from earth and sod, and ditches were dug around them. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; As some sickness was arising because of the continual fog, I also became sick and had to go to the hospital in the fortress of Stettin, which is also a fortress on the sea. When I arrived with several from the regiment, we were placed three bunks high under the roof in the hospital. Here twelve to fifteen of the men about me died every day, which made me sick to my stomach and would have caused my death in the end if I and four comrades had not reported ourselves as being well on the second day and escaped. This hospital and three others, according to rumor, had six thousand sick people; and that was the reason also why everyone with an appetite had to suffer great hunger, which was one of the things that moved me to leave. The third day we five men were allowed to go, and we traveled without delay to our regiment. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; When we five men came again without delay to the fortress of Colberg, we had the honor of enduring the siege in good health for another three weeks. Pentecost Night is especially fixed in my memory, since the fortress was stormed then. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; When we had to leave camp after midnight, all the regiments marched forward through the swamp; and finally, when light firing began upon the outposts, we were commanded to attack by wading through the rampart ditches and to scramble up the outworks by chopping and shoveling. When I stood in the ditch, each first soldier had to pull up the next one with his rifle. The ramparts were of sand, and everyone frequently fell back again because of the attack of the enemy, or just because of the sliding sand; yet in that place huge cannonballs flew by above us, thundering so violently that we would have believed the earth would burst to pieces. When everyone was almost on top of the earthwork, the Prussians were slaughtered with great vigor, and the rest took flight into the gate. Then we, too, wanted to gain possession of the gateway in order to enter the city, but at this critical time many of these Prussians were shot along with our men by small and large guns, and the gate was closed. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Since all sorts of shells and rockets broke out of the fortress like a cloudburst, we had to take to flight. Those who meanwhile were scrambling up the outworks had to jump from the fortress into the moat along with their prisoners, and all the rest had to do likewise. During this retreat, many fell on bayonets, many drowned, and many of us were also brought into the fortress as prisoners and sent away to Danzig by sea. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; When we reached camp, we saw many who had lost their helmet, rifle, saber, knapsack, etc. Because of various falls and pains, many looked for wounds and had none; many, however, did not become aware of the wounds which they had until they reached camp. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; In this camp there were Poles, Westphalians, French, and, as mentioned before, only two regiments of us from Württemberg. One morning the Prussians surprised the Polish camp from the sea with their ships, as had happened before at Easter. The cannon fire on the Poles was so heavy that they could not withdraw fast enough. Their cannonballs also traveled more than half again as far toward our camp as our balls did across the water, since the surrounding swamps were frozen and the balls could roll along on the ice so fast that one ball often took off the feet and legs of ten or twelve men, frequently both feet of the same man. During this blockade the Prussians frequently made attacks, although every time with great losses. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Marc Raeff, ed., The Diary of a Napoleonic Foot Soldier: Jakob Walter (New York: Doubleday, 1991), pp. 3, 10-13.</text>
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                <text>The “French” armies included units from many allied states. Excerpted below is the memoir of an ordinary foot soldier in Napoleon’s army. Jakob Walter came from Württemburg, one of the medium-size German states allied with Napoleon. He fought against other German states, in this instance Prussia.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Liberté, égalité&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This 25 Fructidor, Second Year [11 September 1794] of the French Republic, One and Indivisible,&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Citizens,&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Citoyenne&lt;/i&gt; Anne Felicité Guinée, twenty-four years old, married to Citizen Fillastre, a wig maker on rue des Vieilles Auduette, no. 3, Section de l'Homme Armé, informs you that she was arrested on [22 Germinal] at the Place des Droits de l'Homme, where I [&lt;i&gt;sic&lt;/i&gt;] had gone to get butter. I point out to you that for a long time I have had to feed the members in my household on bread and cheese and that, tired of complaints from my husband and my boys, I was compelled to go wait in line to get something to eat. For three days I had been going to the same market without being able to get anything, despite the fact that I had waited from 7 or 8 A.M. until 5 or 6 P.M. After the distribution of butter on the twenty-second, some citizens said to me, "Are you still here?" I replied, "For three days I have been coming without getting the least thing." A citizen came over to me and said that I was in very delicate condition. To that I answered, "You can't be delicate and be on your legs for so long. I wouldn't have come if there were any other food." He replied that I needed to drink milk. I answered that I had men in my house who worked and that I couldn't nourish them with milk, that I was convinced that if he, the speaker, was sensitive to the difficulty of obtaining food, he would not vex me so, and that he was an imbecile and wanted to play despot, and no one had that right. Here, on the spot, I was arrested and brought to the guard house. I wanted to explain myself. I was silenced and was dragged off to prison, where I was left for six hours without anyone's asking whether I needed anything. About 7 P.M. I was led to the Revolutionary Committee of Section des Droits de l'Homme, where I was called a counterrevolutionary and was told I was asking for the guillotine because I told them I preferred death to being treated ignominiously the way he was treating me. I asked to write to my husband. I was refused. I saw a citizen wig maker whom I begged, in low tones, to go alert my husband.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;When my husband arrived, he was told that he was not needed. He went to Section de l'Homme Armé. Two &lt;i&gt;commissaires&lt;/i&gt;, the &lt;i&gt;commissaires de police et d'accapparement&lt;/i&gt;, reclaimed me. It [the Revolutionary Committee of Section des Droits de l'Homme] informed the commissaires that a counterrevolutionary could not be returned, and the commissaires answered that they had never known me to be such. About midnight my &lt;i&gt;procès-verhal&lt;/i&gt; was read to me. I was asked if I knew whom I had called a despot. I answered, "I didn't know him," and I was told that he was the commander of the post. I said that he was more [a commander] beneath his own roof than anyone, given that he was there to maintain order and not to provoke bad feelings. During this [time] one of the members called me a counterrevolutionary and an aristocrat. I answered that I was surprised that he insulted me that way and that even though I was a prisoner, they had to respect me.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;From the answers in my &lt;i&gt;procès-verhal&lt;/i&gt; I was told that I had done three times more than was needed to get the guillotine and that I would be explaining myself before the Revolutionary Tribunal. The next day, I was taken to the Revolutionary Committee of my Section, which without waiting to hear me, had me taken to the Mairie, where I stayed for nine days without a bed or a chair with vermin and with women addicted to all sorts of crimes who wanted everything from me. And when I complained, they put a knife to my throat. One day a bakeress who was under arrest for having given out bread without a [ration] card said, in tears, that she would have done better to throw her bread away than to give it away without a card. Despair prompted her to speak so. Three prisoners called me and asked me whether I wanted my liberty. My first impulse was to say yes. They told me, "You have heard what the bakeress just said. We will denounce her before the Revolutionary Tribunal, and we will have our liberty. I said that I would have my liberty because justice owed it to me, but that I would prefer death to having [liberty] at the expense of the liberty or the life of anyone else. I warned the bakeress to be more circumspect, and from that moment I became their sworn enemy. There was no longer any rest for me, and they invented all kinds of things to inflict pain on me, and I was told my head would roll, by decree.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;One evening, eight or nine days after my arrest, I wrote a letter to my husband to ask him for linen and for money. In the morning I gave it to a female &lt;i&gt;commissaire&lt;/i&gt;. I told her, "Have it read by the administrators." And I gave her some money for taking it to its address. Neither my husband nor myself ever heard anything more about this letter, and we do not know what became of it.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On the ninth day I was transferred to the prison of La Force, and I had to sleep on straw, as I had no money, and I was asked for fifteen &lt;i&gt;sous &lt;/i&gt;on the first night. I said that whenever I received the money, I would give it to them. I wrote to inform [people] where I had been transferred. My letters were intercepted. In the evening I was getting ready to sleep in the same room I had slept in the previous evening. With the lowest of inhumanity, they came to take me away. It was useless for me to beg, shed tears, and say that I would not be without money for long. It was all useless, and I was placed in a room for troublemakers [? in French &lt;i&gt;chambre des galleasse&lt;/i&gt;]. The next day, when the &lt;i&gt;commissaire&lt;/i&gt; brought my food from the house, I wanted to give [them] a letter. One of the turnkeys pushed me back with such brutality that I was unable to hand over my letter. In the end, . . . my husband received only two of them. I received some money. I had to give it to the authorities for the room with straw where I had slept. I was already being threatened, and I would have been attacked had I not given over everything that was being asked. I went into my cell, and in spite of the fact that I had paid for my bed, I still had to hand over money to this same woman who had me put into the room for troublemakers.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In the end I can give you only the very slightest idea of all the horrors that are committed in these terrible prisons. The details would take too long. I was thrown together not with women but with monsters who gloried in all their crimes and who gave themselves over to all the most horrible and infamous excesses. One day, two of them fought each other with knives. Day and night I lived in mortal fear. The food that was sent in to me was grabbed away immediately. That was my cruel situation for seventeen days. My whole body was swollen from chagrin and from the poor treatment I had endured; finally, on the seventeenth day I was called to appear before the municipal police. How taken aback I was when I heard the national guardsman say that I was charged with having made remarks that were unbecoming to a citizen [and] tended to stir people up in the Place des Droits de l'Homme. I was stricken to the point that it was impossible for me to speak a word, and I lost the use of my senses. My case had been placed before the correctional police while I was under arrest. The General Assembly of my Section named &lt;i&gt;commissaires&lt;/i&gt; to work for my liberation. The condition I was in gave my husband and my relatives reason to believe I was pregnant. A brief was presented, and this was mentioned, and that was the reason I obtained my provisional discharge on double bail.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;From this period on I have been ill continually. I had bile in my blood, and I have had a great deal of difficulty restoring my health. I am informing you that I am the mother of a family and that I have not stopped being persecuted by fate, considering that my husband lost his position and the little he had saved from his work. This most recent trial has just crowned our misfortune because of the expenses my detention gave rise to and [because of] my illness, and I find myself overwhelmed on all sides. For a long time now I have been looking for a position, in view of the fact that my husband's situation has deteriorated. I cannot find anything. My conduct is free of all reproach. I have always comported myself following republican principles, and I have always sought to merit the esteem [due] a good citizen.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I count on your justice to get a definitive judgment handed down as speedily as possible for my tranquility and for that of the two citizens who are posting bail for me, and I dare flatter myself that your humanity will not view with indifference the fate which overwhelms me and that it "humanity" will do everything possible to obtain a position for me or whatever employment seems suitable to you. That would give me and my family the means to subsist. I am counting on your justice and your humanity.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Salut et fraternité written by me, [signed] femme Filhastre&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>From &lt;i&gt;Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795, &lt;/i&gt;edited and translated by Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson. Copyright 1979 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press, 267–270.</text>
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                <text>This petition from the wife of a wigmaker in Paris demonstrates both the volatility of the political situation (she went to jail for badmouthing a local official while standing in line at a food market) and the conditions in prison.</text>
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                <text>An Ordinary Woman Faces Prison for her Comments</text>
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                <text>September 11, 1794</text>
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                <text>Annexation of Belgium. It is incorporated into the Republic as eight new departments. In 1799 the German west bank of the Rhine is incorporated as four new departments.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;No. 59. General Hospital, St. Jean de Luz. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;21st. Nov. 1813. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; On the top of the hill they had a reserve, these came forward and gave us a crack. Now a brisk fire was kept up on both sides, as I was in the act of pulling my trigger I received a wound in both legs, the ball glanced or scraped the skin just above the outside ankle of the left foot and passed through the gristle behind the ankle of the right just missing the bone, down I fell. I endeavoured to rise but found I could not stand and that my shoe was full of blood. “The Devil's luck to ye” said Ned Eagan, “For a fool, now can't ye be easey and lay quiet for a minute or so til we give them another charge, and send them in double quick over the hill.” At this moment Hooker came to me and said “I hope Bill you are not much hurt, take some of this rum.” “Arrah Tom” says Eagen “now you would be the best fellow alive and so you would if you would just be after letting me wet my trottle with a drop of the crature.” Hooker gave him his canteen saying “you are welcome Ned.” Ned wetted his “trottle,” gave Tom the canteen shouting “Och my jewels, then bad luck to me if one of ye don't get this ledden pill through ye, then you may say that old Eagan's son is the biggest liar in all Ireland.” So saying he put in the cartridge. Hooker was employed in empting some of the rum into my canteen, and Eagan was busy in sending down the charge, when down he came on top of us. They did not give him time to fulfill his promise, he was shot through the body and in a moment was a corpse. Hooker shook my hand saying, “Cover yourself behind Ned, I must set to work, can I do anything for you.” On leaving me he said “I know I shall not see this day out, as soon as you get intelligence of my fate write to my Mother.” &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Now the battle raged with double fury, fresh troops poured up to reinforce each side and soon our men moved forward, but it was not many paces before our buglers sounded the retreat and the enemy advanced, but was soon driven back. My comrades this time nearly gained the top of the hill, but there they found the enemy had been reinforced, and was again obliged to retire. I soon became in rear of the enemy's line and exposed to the fire of our men. This was not of long duration, for ours drove them back to their old ground. I observed fresh troops pouring down to join the enemy, who again advanced and passed me some distance. Now the fire was very hot and our balls passed and dropped about like hail. A French soldier came and took what money I had in my pockets, and was in the act of taking my knapsack when our men cheered and charged. I caught fire at the noise and as soon as the enemy has passed me I put my hand on poor Ned's forelock, for my own was not loaded. I had not taken my eye off the fellow who had robbed me, I took a deadly aim at him and down he fell. I was so overjoyed at seeing the rascal fall, and so animated was the moment, at the thought of being released from so perilous a situation, that forgotting the danger I exposed myself to, I sat up with my cap on the muzzle of my forelock and cheered my comrades as they passed me. Hooker was in the throng, he smiled and said something to me as he rushed by, but I could not catch the words. Our Adjutant rode up to me and said “Corporal W___ I hope your wound is not severe, I shall remember your conduct, and recommend you for promotion.” &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; This time the hill was taken. I looked around me, the combatants had disappeared, nothing was to be seen now but the killed and wounded. I crawled to the fellow that had robbed me, got my own and more money in to the bargain, he was shot in the small of the back just under his knapsack. I had been long enough in this place so I managed to get down the hill to the hedge, here I found Dr. Fitzpatrick, got my wounds dressed. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; While the action was in its hottest fury I was several times struck with admiration at the heroic bravery of the officers and noncommissioned officers of the enemy. I shall select one out of many instances of zeal and self devotion displayed by these brave soldiers. A young officer about twenty was in front of his men leading them on. The men were several times stopped by our fire yet this brave young fellow kept in their front, waving his sword, calling and intreating them to come on. At length he returned to his men and with the flat of his sword drove them or rather some of them on, but his men had lost all confidence. Finding he could not prevail on them to advance, he ran towards us some distance and halted, here he continued to wave his sword in hopes to inspire them with courage, when one of our men shot him through the body and he fell dead. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>B. H. Liddell Hart, ed., The Letters of Private Wheeler (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1952), pp. 156-158</text>
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                <text>This account by British Private William Wheeler of the 51st Regiment gives a vivid account of the hand–to–hand fighting in Portugal. Wheeler’s letters home were saved by the family and form the basis of their publication in 1949.</text>
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                <text>November 21, 1813</text>
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