15 10 1079 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Martyn Lyons, Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution (London, Macmillan, 1994), pp. 221-222. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 519 Title A name given to the resource Anti–Napoleonic Propaganda in Spain Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/519/ Counterrevolution Europe in Revolution Napoleon Bonaparte Public Opinion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Liberty is the property of one's self. Three kinds of it are distinguished. Natural liberty, civil liberty, and political liberty: that is to say, the liberty of the individual, the liberty of the citizen, and the liberty of a nation. Natural liberty is the right granted by nature to every man to dispose of himself at pleasure. Civil liberty is the right which is insured by society to every citizen, of doing every thing which is not contrary to the laws. Political liberty is the state of a people who have not alienated their sovereignty, and who either make their own law, or who constitute a part in the system of their legislation. The first of these liberties is, after reason, the distinguishing characteristic of man. Brutes are chained up, and kept in subjection, because they have no notion of what is just or unjust, no idea of grandeur or meanness. But in man, liberty is the principle of his vices or his virtues. None but a free man can say, I will, or I will not; and consequently none but a free man can be worthy of praise, or be liable to censure. Without liberty, or the property of one's own body, and the enjoyment of one's mind, no man can be either a husband, a father, a relation, or a friend; he hath neither country, a fellow citizen, nor a God. The slave, impelled by the wicked man, and who is the instrument of his wickedness, is inferior even to the dog, let loose by the Spaniard upon the American; for conscience, which the dog has not, still remains with the man. He who basely abdicates his liberty, gives himself up to remorse, and to the greatest misery which can be experienced by a thinking and sensible being. If there be not any power under the heavens, which can change my nature and reduce me to the state of brutes, there is none which can dispose of my liberty. God is my father, and not my master; I am his child, and not his slave. How is it possible that I should grant to political power, what I refuse to divine omnipotence? Will these eternal and immutable truths, the foundation of all morality, the basis of all rational government, be contested? They will, and the audacious argument will be dictated by barbarous and sordid avarice. Behold that proprietor of a vessel, who leaning upon his desk, and with the pen in his hand, regulates the number of enormities he may cause to be committed on the Coasts of Guinea; who considers at leisure, what number of firelocks [guns] he shall want to obtain one Negro, what fetters will be necessary to keep him chained on board his ship, what whips will be required to make him work; who calculates with coolness, every drop of blood which the slave must necessarily expend in labor for him, and how much it will produce; who considers whether a Negro woman will be of more advantage to him by her feeble labours, or by going through the dangers of child-birth. You shudder!—If there existed any religion which tolerated, or which gave only a tacit sanction to such kind of horrors; if, absorbed in some idle or seditious questions, it did not incessantly exclaim against the authors or the instruments of this tyranny; if it should consider it as a crime in a slave to break his chains; if it should suffer to remain in it's [sic] community, the iniquitous judge who condemns the fugitive to death: if such a religion, I say, existed, ought not the minister of it to be suffocated under the ruins of their altars? . . . But, it is alleged, that in all regions, and in all ages, slavery hath been more or less established. I grant it; but what doth it signify to me, what other people in other ages have done? Are we to appeal to the customs of antient [sic] times, or to our conscience? Are we to listen to the suggestions of interest, of infatuation, and of barbarism, rather than to those of reason and of justice? If the universality of a practice were admitted as a proof of it's [sic] innocence, we should then have a complete apology for usurpations, conquests, and for every species of oppression. [The author then refutes other reasons given in support of slavery.] . . . But it is urged, that in Europe, as well as in America, the people are slaves. The only advantage we have over the Negroes is, that we can break one chain to put on another. It is but too true; most nations are enslaved. The multitude is generally sacrificed to the passions of a few privileged oppressors. There is scarce a region know'n, where a man can flatter himself that he is master of his person, that he can dispose, at pleasure, of his inheritance; and that he can quietly enjoy the fruits of his industry. Even in those countries that are least under the yoke of servitude, the citizen deprived of the produce of his labor, by the wants incessantly renewed of a rapacious or needy government, is continually restrained in the most lawful means of acquiring felicity. Liberty is stifled in all parts, by extravagant superstitions, by barbarous customs, and by obsolete laws. It will one day certainly rise again from it's [sic] ashes. In proportion as morality and policy shall be improved, man will recover his rights. But wherefore, while we are waiting for these fortunate times, and these enlightened ages of prosperity wherefore must there be an unfortunate race, to whom even the comfortable and honorable name of freeman is denied, and who, notwithstanding the instability of events, must be deprived of the hope even of obtaining it? Whatever, therefore, may be said, the condition of these unfortunate people is very different from our's [sic]. . . . I have already said too much for the honest and feeling man. I shall never be able to say enough for the inhuman trader. Let us, therefore, hasten to substitute the light of reason and the sentiments of nature to the blind ferociousness of our ancestors. Let us break the bonds of so many victims to our mercenary principles, should we even be obliged to discard a commerce which is founded only on injustice, and the object of which is luxury. . . . [The author then proposes that those currently living as slaves should continue in that status; only their children would be freed after the age of 20.] . . . While we are restoring these unhappy beings to liberty, we must be careful to subject them to our laws and manners, and to offer them our superfluities. We must give them a country, give them interests to study, productions to cultivate, and articles of consumption agreeable to their respective tastes, and our colonies will never want hands, which being eased of their chains, will become more active and robust. . . . [The author calls on the monarchs of Europe to abolish the slave trade, but he concludes with a warning of impending slave revolt.] Let the ineffectual calls of humanity be no longer pleaded with the people and their masters: perhaps, they have never been attended to in any public transactions. If then, ye nations of Europe, interest alone can exert it's [sic] influence over you, listen to me once more. Your slaves stand in no need either of your generosity or your counsels, in order to break the sacrilegious yoke of their oppression. Nature speaks a more powerful language than philosophy, or interests. Already have two colonies of fugitive Negroes been established, to whom treaties and power give a perfect security from your attempts.* These are so many indications of the impending storm, and the Negroes only want a chief, sufficiently courageous, to lead them on to vengeance and slaughter. Where is this great man, whom nature owes to her afflicted, oppressed, and tormented children? Where is he? He will undoubtedly appear, he will shew himself, he will lift up the sacred standard of liberty. This venerable signal will collect around him the companions of his misfortunes. They will rush on with more impetuosity than torrents; they will leave behind them, in all parts, indelible traces of their just resentment. Spaniards, Portugueze [sic], English, French, Dutch, all their tyrants will become the victims of fire and sword. The plains of America will suck up with transport the blood which they have so long expected, and the bones of so many wretches, heaped upon one another, during the course of so many centuries, will bound for joy. The Old World will join it's [sic] plaudits to those of the New. In all parts the name of the hero, who shall have restored the rights of the human species will be blest; in all parts trophies will be erected to his glory. Then will the black code [each country had its own code of laws regarding slaves or blacks] be no more; and the white code will be a dreadful one, if the conqueror only regards the right of reprisals. Till this revolution shall take place, the Negroes groan under the oppression of labor, the description of which cannot but interest us more and more in their destiny. *The author has in mind the fugitive slaves in Jamaica and Dutch Surinam, but almost every colony in the Americas with slaves had its runaway slave societies. The largest ones could be found in the Caribbean and in the interior of the western South American coast. Sortable Date 1770-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The materials listed below appeared originally in The French Revolution and Human Rights: A Brief Documentary History, translated, edited, and with an introduction by Lynn Hunt (Boston/New York: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1996), 51–55. Description An account of the resource Abbé Guillaume–Thomas Raynal (1711–96), known by his clerical title [abbé refers to ecclesiastical training], first published his multivolume history of European colonization anonymously in French in 1770. Today many sections of it seem almost quaint and hopelessly detailed, for Raynal and his collaborators (among them Diderot) gathered every imaginable fact to support their scathing indictment of European rapaciousness. As the English man of letters and diarist Horace Walpole commented, "It tells one everything in the world," from the story of the tea and coffee trades to naval battles and to the history of Greek and Roman slavery. In its time, the book startled and shocked, and its indignant denunciation of colonization set off a firestorm of controversy. The French crown immediately prohibited its sale on the grounds that it contained "propositions that are impudent, dangerous, rash, and contrary to good morals and the principles of religion." The government ordered Raynal into exile, and an assembly of the French clergy condemned him as "one of the most seditious writers among modern unbelievers." Thanks to its notoriety, the book soon became a best–seller. In all, twenty approved editions and fifty pirated ones appeared by the time of Raynal’s death in 1796. The work gained as much fame in the New World as in the Old; American colonists read it as a defense of the rights of man, and the book was soon translated into English. Slaveowners must have shuddered, however, when they read the passages below for Raynal not only condemns the slave trade and the practice of slavery but also predicts a future uprising of the slaves against their masters. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 278 Title A name given to the resource Antislavery Agitation: Abbé Raynal, Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies (1770) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/278/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1770 Enlightenment Text The US and Great Britain in Revolution Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document On the subject of Jacobinism and the Action Party, an element to be highlighted is the following: that the Jacobins won their function of "leading" [dirigente] party by a struggle to the death; they literally "imposed" themselves on the French bourgeoisie, leading it into a far more advanced position than the originally strongest bourgeois nuclei would have spontaneously wished to take up, and even far more advanced than that which the historical premises should have permitted—hence the various forms of backlash and the function of Napoleon I. This feature, characteristic of Jacobinism (but before that, also of Cromwell and the "Roundheads") and hence of the entire French Revolution, which consists in (apparently) forcing the situation, in creating irreversible faits accomplis, and in a group of extremely energetic and determined men driving the bourgeois forward with kicks in the backside, may be schematized in the following way. The Third Estate was the least homogeneous; it had a very disparate intellectual elite, and a group which was very advanced economically but politically moderate. Events developed along highly interesting lines. The representatives of the Third Estate initially only posed those questions which interested the actual physical members of the social group, their immediate "corporate" interests (corporate in the traditional sense, of the immediate and narrowly selfish interests of a particular category). The precursors of the Revolution were in fact moderate reformers, who shouted very loud but actually demanded very little. Gradually a new elite was selected out which did not concern itself solely with "corporate" reforms, but tended to conceive of the bourgeoisie as the hegemonic group of all the popular forces. This selection occurred through the action of two factors: the resistance of the old social forces, and the international threat. The old forces did not wish to concede anything, and if they did concede anything they did it with the intention of gaining time and preparing a counteroffensive. The Third Estate would have fallen into these successive "pitfalls" without the energetic action of the Jacobins, who opposed every immediate halt in the revolutionary process, and sent to the guillotine not only the elements of the old society which was hard a-dying, but also the revolutionaries of yesterday—today become reactionaries. The Jacobins, consequently, were the only party of the revolution in progress, in as much as they not only represented the immediate needs and aspirations of the actual physical individuals who constituted the French bourgeoisie, but they also represented the revolutionary movement as a whole, as an integral historical development. For they represented future needs as well, and, once again, not only the needs of those particular physical individuals, but also of all the national groups which had to be assimilated to the existing fundamental group. It is necessary to insist against a tendentious and fundamentally anti-historical school of thought, that the Jacobins were realists of the Machiavelli stamp and not abstract dreamers. They were convinced of the absolute truth of their slogans about equality, fraternity and liberty, and, what is more important, the great popular masses whom the Jacobins stirred up and drew into the struggle were also convinced of their truth. The Jacobins' language, their ideology, their methods of action reflected perfectly the exigencies of the epoch, even if "today," in a different situation and after more than a century of cultural evolution, they may appear "abstract" and "frenetic." Naturally they reflected those exigencies according to the French cultural tradition. One proof of this is the analysis of Jacobin language which is to be found in The Holy Family. Another is Hegel's admission, when he places as parallel and reciprocally translatable the juridico political language of the Jacobins and the concepts of classical German philosophy—which is recognized today to have the maximum of concreteness and which was the source of modern historicism. The first necessity was to annihilate the enemy forces, or at least to reduce them to impotence in order to make a counterrevolution impossible. The second was to enlarge the cadres of the bourgeoisie as such, and to place the latter at the head of all the national forces; this meant identifying the interests and the requirements common to all the national forces, in order to set these forces in motion and lead them into the struggle, obtaining two results: (a) that of opposing a wider target to the blows of the enemy, i.e., of creating a politico-military relation favorable to the revolution; (b) that of depriving the enemy of every zone of passivity in which it would be possible to enroll Vendée-type armies. Without the agrarian policy of the Jacobins, Paris would have had the Vendée at its very doors. The resistance of the Vendée properly speaking is linked to the national question, which had become envenomed among the peoples of Brittany and in general among those alien to the slogan of the "single and indivisible republic" and to the policy of bureaucratic-military centralization—a slogan and a policy which the Jacobins could not renounce without committing suicide. The Girondins tried to exploit federalism in order to crush Jacobin Paris, but the provincial troops brought to Paris went over to the revolutionaries. Except for certain marginal areas, where the national (and linguistic) differentiation was very great, the agrarian question proved stronger than aspirations to local autonomy. Rural France accepted the hegemony of Paris; in other words, it understood that in order definitively to destroy the old regime it had to make a bloc with the most advanced elements of the Third Estate, and not with the Girondin moderates. If it is true that the Jacobins "forced" its hand, it is also true that this always occurred in the direction of real historical development. For not only did they organize a bourgeois government, i.e., make the bourgeoisie the dominant class—they did more. They created the bourgeois State, made the bourgeoisie into the leading, hegemonic class of the nation, in other words gave the new State a permanent basis and created the compact modern French nation. That the Jacobins, despite everything, always remained bourgeois ground is demonstrated by the events which marked their end, as a party cast in too specific and inflexible a mold, and by the death of Robespierre. Maintaining the Le Chapelier law, they were not willing to concede to the workers the right of combination; as a consequence they had to pass the law of the maximum. They thus broke the Paris urban bloc: their assault forces, assembled in the Commune, dispersed in disappointment, and Thermidor gained the upper hand. The Revolution had found its widest class limits. The policy of alliances and of permanent revolution had finished by posing new questions which at that time could not be resolved; it had unleashed elemental forces which only a military dictatorship was to succeed in containing. If in Italy a Jacobin party was not formed, the reasons are to be sought in the economic field, that is to say in the relative weakness of the Italian bourgeoisie and in the different historical climate in Europe after 1815. The limit reached by the Jacobins, in their policy of forced reawakening of French popular energies to be allied with the bourgeoisie, with the Le Chapelier law and that of the maximum, appeared in 1848 as a "specter" which was already threatening—and this was skillfully exploited by Austria, by the old governments and even by Cavour (quite apart from the Pope). The bourgeoisie could not (perhaps) extend its hegemony further over the great popular strata—which it did succeed in embracing in France (could not for subjective rather than objective reasons); but action directed at the peasantry was certainly always possible. Differences between France, Germany and Italy in the process by which the bourgeoisie took power (and England). [sic] It was in France that the process was richest in developments, and in active and positive political elements. In Germany, it evolved in ways which in certain aspects resembled what happened in Italy, and in others what happened in England. In Germany, the movement of 1848 failed as a result of the scanty bourgeois concentration (the Jacobin-type slogan was furnished by the democratic Far Left: "Permanent revolution"), and because the question of renewal of the State was intertwined with the national question. The wars of 1864, 1866 and 1870 resolved both the national question and, in an intermediate form, the class question: the bourgeoisie obtained economic-industrial power, but the old feudal classes remained as the government stratum of the political State, with wide corporate privileges in the army, the administration and on the land. Yet at least, if these old classes kept so much importance in Germany and enjoyed so many privileges, they exercised a national function, became the "intellectuals" of the bourgeoisie, with a particular temperament conferred by their caste origin and by tradition. In England, where the bourgeois revolution took place before that in France, we have a similar phenomenon to the German one of fusion between the old and the new—this notwithstanding the extreme energy of the English "Jacobins," i.e., Cromwell's "roundheads." The old aristocracy remained as a governing stratum, with certain privileges, and it too became the intellectual stratum of the English bourgeoisie (it should be added that the English aristocracy has an open structure, and continually renews itself with elements coming from the intellectuals and the bourgeoisie). In Germany, despite the great capitalist development, the class relations created by industrial development, with the limits of bourgeois hegemony reached and the position of the progressive classes reversed, have induced the bourgeoisie not to struggle with all its strength against the old regime, but to allow a part of the latter's facade to subsist, behind which it can disguise its own real domination. Sortable Date 1929-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Antonio Gramsci, in Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith, Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci (New Yorl: International Publishers, 1971) 77–80, 82–83. Description An account of the resource Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937) was an Italian intellectual who joined first the Socialist and then the Communist Party. Between 1924 and 1926 Gramsci was the head of the Italian Communist Party. In 1926 he was arrested by the Mussolini fascist government and sent to prison where he remained until 1937. The excerpt that follows comes from his prison notebooks and demonstrates his fascination with the French Revolution, especially its Jacobin phase. Although Gramsci was a devoted Marxist, he helped turn Marxism toward an interest in local conditions, particularly toward the alliance between intellectuals and workers. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 562 Title A name given to the resource Antonio Gramsci: Selections from The Prison Notebooks Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/562/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1929 Europe in Revolution Popular Politics Public Opinion Text The Terror Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document The first thing that an apprentice must have is a love and fear of God, for if he is without those, God will not bless his work, and the apprentice will never succeed in his endeavors. . . . The apprentice should also follow the old and honorable tradition of accompanying his masters to the parish mass on Sundays. Less than thirty years ago, all merchants still followed this practice, but today, masters have become lax. Most of them have become as libertine as their apprentices. It should not then be surprising that there are problems in business on a daily basis. The second thing that an apprentice must have is loyalty to his masters. To this he is bound by his contract of apprenticeship, which usually states that he will work to his master's advantage and avoid harming him. Not only does this mean that he will serve faithfully, but it also [means] that he will stop friends, domestic servants, or any other common people from injuring his master. His conscience, as well as his contract, requires this of him. The third thing is blind obedience to his master, provided he is not ordered to do that which offends either God or his conscience. In such a case, he ought not to obey. . . . The fourth thing that an apprentice must have is a great respect for his master. He must always remove his hat before speaking to him, as if his master were his father, since the master sees to his upbringing like a father while the apprentice is under his supervision. In the apprenticeship contract it says that they should act as befitting a good father. . . . The primary quality that a merchant should have with regard to the sale of his goods is to [be] an honest man. This will ensure his salvation and his reputation, and without a good reputation, a merchant will never make his fortune. Being an honest man means being of good faith and cheating no one. That is, not using weighted scales or false measures that are lighter or heavier than those set down in the regulations. In dealing with cloth, it means spreading the material out without stretching it in order to give less than full measure. In weighing something, it means not putting one's hand on the scale to make it seem heavier. Finally, it means obeying the law, giving more merchandise rather than less, and not representing one type of good as being another. . . . With regard to the profit that can be made, it is impossible to make rules. If the wares are silk, drapery fabric, serge, or black cloth, their price is not affected by changes in fashion. If they are manufactured in the realm, there are no import risks involved. And if they are ordinary wares, merchants cannot make big profits since it is well-known merchandise. Sortable Date 1757-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Jacques Savary, Le Parfait négotiant, vol. 1 (Paris: new enlarged edition by Philemont-Louis Savary, 1757; originally published 1675), 41–46. Description An account of the resource Unlike the Marquis de Mirabeau, (see document Tension between Rich and Poor) Jacques Savary sought to promote commerce and those who engaged in it. In this excerpt from his 1757 edition of The Perfect Merchant, which was widely read, Savary comments on the proper relations between apprentices learning a trade and the masters who owned the shop. Although his views in general were favorable to the chance for personal advancement made possible by commerce, he also retained a clear preference for hierarchy. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 358 Title A name given to the resource Apprentices and Masters Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/358/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1757 Economic Conditions Text https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/86a4996f0e2224952d7f700433c0edbe.jpg c7deec797853440f6a06ab232921738e https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/5213928351fba9eee948a6b0c427fc98.jpg 3002c794803f8c6dabac122f331d7212 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Etching Physical Dimensions The actual physical size of the original image 31.6 x 45.7cm Title (English) The image's title, in English. Ci-devant Occupations; or, Madame Talian and the Empress Josephine Dancing Naked before Barrass in the Winter of 1797. - A Fact! Caption The image's caption. Barrass (then in Power) being tired of Josephine, promissed Buonaparte a promotion, on condition that he would take her off his hands; -- Barrass had, as usual, drank freely, & placed Buonaparte behind a Screen, while he amused himself with these two Ladies, who were then his humble dependents, -- Madame Talian is a beautiful Woman, tall & elegant; -- Josephine is smaller & thin, with bad Teeth, something like Cloves, -- it is needless to add that Buonaparte accepted the Promotion & the Lady, -- now, -- Empress of France! Sortable Date 1805-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Metropolitan Museum of Art Description An account of the resource The second image, a color drawing by the popular English caricaturist James Gillray in 1805 during the Empire, takes a different view of the Directory, suggesting that it is a time of moral decadence and self–aggrandizement. It depicts Paul Barras, while in power as a member of the five–man executive Directory in 1797, being entertained by the naked dancing of two wives of prominent men, the former Jacobin deputy Jean–Louis Tallien and Bonaparte. Madame Tallien appears beautiful, tall, and elegant, while Josephine de Beauharnais, Bonaparte’s future wife, appears small, thin, and with bad teeth. According to the text, Barras chose Madame Tallien (taking the man’s wife just as he usurped the man’s political power), while Bonaparte (seen watching from behind a curtain) eagerly accepted the less attractive woman so he could advance his political career. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource James Gillray Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Public Domain Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPEG Language A language of the resource English Title A name given to the resource Aristocratic Occupations . . . Relation A related resource http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/7/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1805 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 7 Counterrevolution Image Nobility Women Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document There are few patriots who today would say that the right cause was triumphant, and that the aristocracy is forever beaten. Where there was a king devoted to the happiness of his people and was a faithful executor of the decrees of the legislative body; where there was a legislative body fully committed to both monarchal principles and to the king; where the National Assembly and the royal family were the focus of patriotism and enlightenment . . . now there are fugitive courtiers, hunted conspirators, cabals uncovered and disgraced, and working-class ministers (or they are forced to appear as such). There have been two great and terrible lessons delivered by the Parisians to the aristocrats, and every community in the kingdom demonstrated an equal amount of effort in unraveling political and individual freedoms. Are these reasons sufficient enough to believe that the Revolution has been carried out? That a counterrevolution is impossible? That would be a fatal error, a dangerous belief! The aristocracy again rises with a superb disguise. The barbarous gaiety that comes from being sure of a quick revenge has been replaced by the tears that we had attributed to a belated repentant, and from us spilled a then-powerless rage. Citizens! Let us count our enemies, gauge their resources and see if that does not give us several reasons to keep on our guard. The nobles have to recover all of the benefits of an abusive regime where their name alone swept away merit, virtue, talent, and even justice. The clerics are forced to sell off their immense assets that had provided them with much credit and many pleasures. The magistrates are stripped of their titles as legislators, defenders of the people, and advisers of kings. The judges see the end to this judicial tyranny that, down to the smallest village, was so beneficial to their wealth and so flattering to their vanity. The money lenders can no longer hope to continue their atrocious business. Financiers have no doubt that their businesses will be suppressed. The infinite number of the breed known as clerks does not mean that there remains the resources for them to take on a useful profession. Add to this so impressive a group of anti-patriots, those that never do anything but what pleases them, those who have no homeland, and who cannot have one, and you will have an idea of the army of enemies that the state holds within its breast. But this is merely the body of the army, it has leaders. Where are they? Does it need saying? In part they are in the National Assembly, for which, through treacherous tactics, they fetter or corrupt the deliberations. If we are not in agreement on the way to do right, at least they are not any more in agreement on how to do wrong. But if some scheming, persuasive, deceptive mind came and unified them, or at least made them act in a uniform manner (although for a different goal), the least misfortune that we have to fear is a war . . . a civil war. Bankruptcy would be the inevitable conclusion to a civil war. Commerce and agriculture, both of which are already stagnant, would be destroyed. For the next century authority would be in convulsion and the people in agony before the complicated wheels of government of the old regime would once again be in working order. Liberty, that spark that glinted in our eyes, would, from time to time, light fires that we would only be able to extinguish by the spilling of blood. The aristocrats would not enjoy any of the advantages that established norms assured them they possessed. They would have to fight endlessly for them with brandished swords. Finally, in the place of a popular anarchy, which by its nature would be short since the majority are interested in order, we would have an aristocratic anarchy. This would be a hundred times worse than the autocratic regime, and would last until the current generation would be able to forget everything it had learned in the past three months, or had given way to another generation. Sortable Date 1789-11-21 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Révolutions de Paris, no. 19 (21 November 1789), 2–3. Description An account of the resource This 1789 article from the Révolutions de Paris, a leading radical newspaper, argues that the Revolution has not been achieved, because all of the changes to date could still be reversed. Moreover, it warns that "anti–patriots"—"nobles" in the National Assembly and "aristocrats" in the royal ministry—would like to do just that by starting a "civil war." To prevent this, it calls on civic–minded readers of the newspaper to follow vigilantly the doings of the assembly. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 409 Title A name given to the resource Aristocratic Values Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/409/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 21, 1789 Counterrevolution Nobility Text The Terror https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/2589b9e881d9f8e23d584c9717514c8f.jpg f75b8f13d05336d6fabd9c4025e1a053 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Engraving Physical Dimensions The actual physical size of the original image 30.5 x 50 cm Title (French) The image's title, in French. Explication Sortable Date 1794-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Bibliothèque Nationale de France Description An account of the resource This color drawing, produced in 1793 at the request of the Committee of Public Safety and then published as an engraving, caricatures the British army and its king, George III, as incompetent, who, despite fine uniforms, cannot defeat shoddily clad, yet energetic sans–culottes (on the left), who humiliate the British by defecating on the advancing troops. The British vainly try to respond with cannons in the shape of clysters, medical devices used to administer enemas. The key below indicates the particular British figures, notably Charles James Fox and George III, being satirized. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jacques Louis David Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Public Domain Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPEG Language A language of the resource French Title A name given to the resource Army of Jugs Relation A related resource http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/15/|Collection de Vinck. Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870. Vol. 26 (pièces 4348-4477), Ancien Régime et Révolution Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1794 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 15 Counterrevolution Image Sans-culottes https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/03421216dd968c7c0e00e4d50ac018be.jpg 45badaf598ee337766451080039028ca Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Title (French) The image's title, in French. Arrestation de Louis Capet à Varennes, le 22 Juin 1791 Title (English) The image's title, in English. Arrest of Louis Capet at Varennes, June 22, 1791 Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Etching Physical Dimensions The actual physical size of the original image 35 x 46.5 cm Sortable Date 1793-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Bibliothèque Nationale de France Description An account of the resource This print shows an angry crowd of fervent revolutionaries breaking down doors to arrest the King. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cheur (engraver) Jean-Louis Prieur (designer) Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Public Domain Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPEG Language A language of the resource French Title A name given to the resource Arrest of Louis Capet at Varennes, June 22, 1791 Relation A related resource http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/96/|de Vinck. Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870. Vol. 23 (pièces 3894-4078), Ancien Régime et Révolution Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1793-1795 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 96 Image Monarchy Provinces Event A non-persistent, time-based occurrence. Metadata for an event provides descriptive information that is the basis for discovery of the purpose, location, duration, and responsible agents associated with an event. Examples include an exhibition, webcast, conference, workshop, open day, performance, battle, trial, wedding, tea party, conflagration. Sortable Date 1809-07-05 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 1014 Title A name given to the resource Arrest of Pope Pius VII. Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/1014/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July 5, 1809 Timeline Event A non-persistent, time-based occurrence. Metadata for an event provides descriptive information that is the basis for discovery of the purpose, location, duration, and responsible agents associated with an event. Examples include an exhibition, webcast, conference, workshop, open day, performance, battle, trial, wedding, tea party, conflagration. Sortable Date 1794-03-13 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 822 Title A name given to the resource Arrest of the Hébertists. Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/822/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 13, 1794 Timeline