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              <text>Arrestation du roi à Varennes le 22 juin 1791</text>
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              <text>Paul le Blanc et Joseph Pontant avertis par le maitre de poste de Sainte Menehould, d'arrêter une voiture s'opposent à son passage et menacent de tirer si l'on veut resister</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Bibliothèque Nationale de France&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>These images, all engraved and widely circulated years after the event, show four different moments of the arrest. Each successive image renders the scene increasingly dramatic. The first, a woodcut executed shortly after the event, shows the postman alone recognizing the King.</text>
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                <text>Arrest of the King at Varennes, 22 June 1791</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/95/|&lt;span&gt;Michel Hennin. &lt;em&gt;Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France&lt;/em&gt;. Tome 125, Pièces 10979-11059, période : 1791&lt;/span&gt;|&lt;span&gt;de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 23 (pièces 3894-4078), Ancien Régime et Révolution&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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              <text>Arrivée du Roi et de la famille royale à Paris, le 6 octobre 1789</text>
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                <text>When the revolutionaries, led by thousands of women, marched to Versailles, they triumphantly seized and then brought the king to Paris, where he would live in the midst of his people. Here this image attempts to maintain a perception of royal pomp and grandeur, ignoring the reality that the king was forced against his will. Still few could fully foresee the ultimate changes underway –– that the king had lost much of his sacred aura and was now headed toward an uncertain future.</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/229/|&lt;span&gt;Collection Michel Hennin. &lt;em&gt;Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France&lt;/em&gt;. Tome 119, Pièces 10386-10489, période : 1789&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;I. The small properties of the peasants are found every where, to a degree we have no idea of in England; they are found in every part of the kingdom, even in those provinces where other tenures prevail; but in Quercy, Languedoc, the whole district of the Pyrenées, Béarn, Gascogne, part of Guienne, Alsace, Flanders, and Lorraine, they abound to a greater degree than common. In Flanders, Alsace, on the Garonne, the Béarn, I found many in comfortable circumstances, such as might rather be called small farmers than cottagers, and in Basse Bretagne, many are reputed rich, but in general they are poor and miserable, much arising from the minute division of their little farms among all the children. In Lorraine, and the part of Champagne that joins it, they are quite wretched. I have, more than once, seen division carried to such excess, that a single fruit tree, standing in about ten perch of ground, has constituted a farm, and the local situation of a family decided by the possession.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;II. Hiring at money rent is the general practice in Picardy, Artois, part of Flanders, Normandy (except the Pays de Caux), Isle of France, and Pays de Beauce; and I found some in Béarn and about Navarre. Such tenures are found also in most parts of France, scattered among those which are different and predominant; but, upon a moderate estimate, they have not yet made their way through more than a sixth or seventh of the kingdom.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;III. Feudal tenures—These are fiefs granted by the seigneurs of parishes, under a reservation of fines, quit rents, forfeitures, services, etc., I found them abounding most of Bretagne, Limousin, Berry, La Manche, etc. where they spread through whole provinces; but they are scattered very much in every part of the kingdom. About Verson, Vatan, etc., in Berry, they complained so heavily of these burdens, that the mode of levying and enforcing them must constitute much of the evil; they are every where much more burdensome than apparent, from the amount which I attribute to that circumstance. Legal adjudications, they assert, are very severe against the tenant, in favour of the seigneur.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;IV. Monopoly—This is commonly practised in various of the provinces where métaying is known; men of some substance hire great tracts of land, at a money rent, and re-let it in small divisions to &lt;i&gt;métayers,&lt;/i&gt; who pay half the produce. I heard many complaints of it in La Manche, Berry, Poitou, and Angoumois, and it is met with in other provinces; it appears to flow from the difficulties inherent in the métaying system, but is itself a mischievous practice, well known in Ireland, where these middle men are almost banished.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;V. &lt;i&gt;Métayers&lt;/i&gt;—This is the tenure under which, perhaps, seven-eigths of the lands of France are held. In Champagne there are many at &lt;i&gt;tier franc&lt;/i&gt;, which is the third of the produce, but in general it is half. The landlord commonly finds half the cattle and half the feed; and the &lt;i&gt;métayer&lt;/i&gt; labour, implements, and taxes; but in some districts the landlord bears a share of these.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;At the first blush, the great disadvantage of the métaying system is to landlords; but, on a nearer examination, the tenants are found in the lowest state of poverty, and some of them in misery. At Vatan, in Berry, I was assured that the &lt;i&gt;Métayers&lt;/i&gt; almost every year borrowed their bread of the landlord before the harvest came round, yet hardly worth borrowing, for it was made of rye and barley mixed; I tasted enough of it to pity sincerely the poor people; but no common person there eats wheaten bread; with all this misery among the farmers, the landlord's situation may be estimated by the rents he receives. At Salbris, in Sologne, for a sheep-walk that feeds 700 sheep, and 200 English acres of other land, paid the landlord, for his half, about 331. sterling; the whole rent, for land and stock too, did not, therefore, amount to 1&lt;i&gt;s&lt;/i&gt;. per head on the sheep! In Limousin, the &lt;i&gt;métayers&lt;/i&gt; are considered as little better than menial servants, removable at pleasure, and obliged to conform in all things to the will of the landlords; it is commonly computed that half the tenantry are deeply in debt to the proprietor, so that he is often obliged to turn them off with the loss of these debts, in order to save his land from running waste.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In all the modes of occupying land, the great evil is the smallness of farms. There are large ones in Picardy, the Ile of France, the Pays de Beauce, Artois, and Normandy; but, in the rest of the kingdom, such are not general. The division of the farms and population is so great, that the misery flowing from it is in many places extreme; the idleness of the people is seen the moment you enter a town on market-day; the swarms of people are incredible. At Landivisiau, in Bretagne, I saw a man who walked seven miles to bring two chickens, which would not sell for 24&lt;i&gt;s&lt;/i&gt;. the couple, as he told me himself. At Avranches men attending each a horse, with a pannier load of sea ooze, not more than four bushels. Near Issenheim, in Alsace, a rich country, women, in the midst of harvest, where their labour is nearly as valuable as that of men, reaping grass by the road side to carry home to their cows.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Arthur Young, &lt;i&gt;Travels during the Years 1787, 1788, and 1789, &lt;/i&gt;vol. 1 (Bury St. Edmunds: J. Rackham, 1792), 402–17</text>
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                <text>Arthur Young, an Englishman, traveled across France on the eve of the Revolution recording his impressions of life there, particularly those aspects that seemed to him to compare unfavorably with his native land. In the excerpt below, he comments on the peasantry’s landholdings, remarking on the multiple arrangements of land tenure and on the small size of peasant farms, all of which seemed strange to him, because, in England at this time, most of the arable land belonged to absentee landlords who hired others to work their large farms for them.</text>
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                <text>Arthur Young Views the Countryside</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;[Part One concerns medical and theological teachings on women.]&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The reproductive organs of men are absolutely similar to those of women. . . . The Anatomists are not the only ones who have observed that, in some fashion, women are "failed" men. . . . [Renaissance medical theorists] assure us that the generative property of each animal endeavors to produce a male as being the most perfect of its kind. However, basic nature sometimes calls for a female so that propagation, based on the collaboration of the two sexes, perfects the universe.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The various biases on the point of view of man's superiority compared to women result from the periodic modification of the customs, political systems, and religions of ancient societies. I exempt the Christian religion from this charge because it established . . . a true superiority of man, while nevertheless preserving equal rights for women. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;[Part Two concerns the legal status of wives in marriage.]&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Even though husband and wife have the same fundamental interests in society, it is nevertheless essential that governmental authority rests with either one or the other. The positive rights of civilized nations, like the laws and customs of Europe, now grant this authority unanimously and definitively to the male, who, being gifted with greater strength of mind and body, contributes more to the common good in matters both human and holy. Women then, must necessarily be subordinate to their husbands and obey his orders on all household issues. These are the opinions of legal advisors, both in olden times and now, as well as the unequivocal decision of legislators.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;. . . It would be difficult to demonstrate that the husband's authority [in marriage] comes from nature in that this principle is contrary to the natural equality of mankind. Even though we are likely to impose this authority, it does not necessarily mean that we have the right to do so. . . . It can thus be argued that there is no other subordination in the conjugal relationship than that of civil law, and consequently nothing prevents certain special agreements from changing the civil law, as long as natural law and religion determine nothing to the contrary.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;We don't deny that . . . a woman who knows the precepts of civil law and who entered into her marriage purely and simply, is, by that fact, tacitly subject to that civil law. But if some woman . . . stipulates the opposite of what the law purports, and in that has the consent of her spouse, should she not have, by virtue of natural law, the same power that her husband has been given by virtue of the Prince's law?&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;. . . Nothing prevents . . . a woman from executing authority in a marriage between people of equal status in accordance with convention, unless a legislator has prohibited any exceptions to the law, without regard of the free consent of the parties involved. Marriage is by its nature a contract, and as with everything that is not prohibited by natural law, the contract committed to by husband and wife determines their mutual rights.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;[Part Three is on "morality" and on the "equality" of women and men.]&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;. . . The character of women is mixed, intermediate or variable. Either education alters their disposition more that it does ours or the delicacy of their constitution renders their souls a mirror that takes in all objects, returns them swiftly, and keeps none. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Nature seems to have conferred on men the right to govern, whereas women have had recourse in art to free themselves. The two sexes have reciprocally exploited these assets of strength or beauty to make others suffer.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Men have increased their natural strength through the laws that they have imposed. Women have increased the price of possessing them by the difficulty of obtaining them. It would not be difficult to say on which side servitude today lies. Whatever the case may be, the goal for which women strive [is to escape servitude] and [they] use love to achieve it while men lead them away from achieving their goal. To try to inspire men while feeling nothing themselves or at least hiding what they feel is the sum of women's politics and morals.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;But the more women perfected the art of making themselves desirable, hoped for, and pursued as a means of getting what they are resolved never to give, the more men multiplied their means by which to gain possession of it. The art of inspiring desire that one is not willing to satisfy, has, if nothing else, created the art of feigning unfelt emotions. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Finally there is another woman more securely happy. Her happiness consists of being unaware of that which the world calls pleasure. Her glory is to live in obscurity. Contained within her duties as wife and mother, she dedicates her days to the practice of obscure virtues. Occupied with governing her family, she reigns over her husband with kindness, over her children with gentleness, and over her servants with goodness. 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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Bibliothèque Nationale de France&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Here an engraver provides a view of the assembly, called by the King to get around the &lt;em&gt;Parlement,&lt;/em&gt; a judicial body that blocked his initiatives.</text>
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                <text>Claude Niquet (engraver)</text>
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                <text>Vény (illustrator)</text>
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                <text>Abraham Girardet (illustrator)</text>
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                <text>Public Domain</text>
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                <text>French</text>
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                <text>Assembly of Notables, Held at Versailles</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/83/|&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Michel Hennin. &lt;em&gt;Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France&lt;/em&gt;. Tome 116, Pièces 10092-10183, période : 1786-1788&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;|&lt;span&gt;de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 8 (pièces 1232-1422), Ancien Régime et Révolution&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>1802</text>
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              <text>Paper money based on the confiscation of church lands to liquidate the national debt. Originally not legal tender, the assignats were supposed to carry interest, but far too many assignats were issued, thereby undermining the currency, jump- starting inflation, and encouraging the hoarding of specie. Only in May 1797 were the assignats withdrawn from circulation in the hopes of returning to metallic currency and greater economic stability.</text>
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                <text>1062</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/1062/</text>
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