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                <text>Bonaparte’s victory at Marengo; breakup of Second Coalition.</text>
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                <text>June 14, 1800</text>
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              <text>BOOK THREE: WHERE I BEGIN EXPLAINING THE NATURE AND PROPERTIES OF ROYAL AUTHORITY &lt;p&gt;ARTICLE 1. Its essential characteristics can be distinguished.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 1. Royal authority has four essential characteristics or qualities. First of all, royal authority is sacred; second, it is paternal; third, it is absolute; and fourth, it is subject to reason. These will be established, in order, in the following articles.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;ARTICLE 2. Royal authority is sacred.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 1. God establishes kings as his ministers, and through them reigns over the People.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;We have already seen that all power comes from God. (&lt;i&gt;Romans&lt;/i&gt; 13:5) As Saint Paul adds, "The King is God's minister to do good. If you do evil, be afraid, for he does not wield the sword in vain. He is God's minister, the avenger of evil deeds." (&lt;i&gt;Romans&lt;/i&gt; 13:4) . . . Princes therefore serve as God’s ministers and as His lieutenants on earth. It is through them that He exercises His rule. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 2. The king’s person is sacred.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It is clear from the foregoing that kings' persons are sacred, and that any attack upon them is sacrilege. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;God’s prophets anoint them with a holy unction, as He does with his pontiffs and altars. But even without the outward application of this ointment, kings are sacred due to their office as representatives of the Holy Majesty, and delegated by His providence to execute His commands. Thus God calls even Cyrus his anointed. "Thus spoke the Lord to Cyrus, my anointed, who I have taken by the right hand, so that he may subdue all nations before him." (&lt;i&gt;Isaiah&lt;/i&gt; 45:1)&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The title of "Christ" is given to kings, and, everywhere we see them called 'Christ,' or 'the Lord's anointed.' With this venerable title even the Prophets revere them and regard them as included in God’s sovereign realm, and whose authority they wield over the People. "Speak boldly of me before the Lord and before his Christ. Tell them whether I have taken any man's ox or ass, whether I have taken a bribe from any man, or whether I have oppressed any man. And they answered 'never.'. And Samuel said, 'the Lord and his Christ thus bear witness that you have no complaint to bring against me.'" (&lt;i&gt;Samuel I&lt;/i&gt;, 12:3–5). &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It is thus that Samuel, after having judged the People on behalf of the Lord and with absolute power for twenty-one years, accounts for his conduct before God and before Saul, both of whom he calls upon to bear witness and by whose testimony he establishes his innocence. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Kings must be guarded as one would sacred things, and he who neglects to guard them as such deserves death. . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 3. The prince must be obeyed on the principles of religion and conscience.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Saint Paul, having said that the prince is God's minister, concludes thusly: "It is therefore necessary that you be subject to him, not only for fear of his wrath, but also for the sake of your conscience." (&lt;i&gt;Romans&lt;/i&gt; 13: 5) . . . Even when kings fail to discharge their duty [of praising good deeds and punishing evil], they must be respected for their office and their ministry. "Obey your masters, not only those who are kind and gentle, but also those who are vexatious and unfair." (&lt;i&gt;Peter I&lt;/i&gt;, 2:18). &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;There is therefore a religious element to the respect rendered a prince. Serving God and respecting kings are one and the same, and Saint Peter places these two duties together: "Fear God, and honor the king." (&lt;i&gt;Peter&lt;/i&gt; &lt;i&gt;I&lt;/i&gt;, 2: 17) . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It is therefore in the spirit of Christianity to respect kings with the sort of religion that Tertullian most aptly terms 'the religion of the second majesty.'&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This second majesty is but an outgrowth of the first, that is, of the Divine Majesty, who, for the good of humanity, wished to reflect some of His radiance upon the kings.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 4. Kings must respect their power, and only use it for the public good.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Their power comes from on high, and as has been said, they must not think that they have been given this power to use it as they please. Rather, they must use it with fear and restraint, befitting something which comes from God, and for which God will demand an accounting. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Kings must consequently tremble while using the power that the Lord gives them, reflecting upon how horrible a sacrilege it is to use a power which comes from God for evil purposes. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;We have seen kings seated on the throne of God, holding the sword which He Himself put into their hand. What a desecration, and what audacity for unjust kings to sit upon God’s throne, making decrees contrary to His laws, and using the sword He gave them for committing acts of violence and butchering His children!&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Let kings therefore respect their might, for it is not theirs but rather the Lord’s, and it must be used in a holy and religious manner. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;ARTICLE 3. Royal authority is paternal, and its true characteristic is goodness. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 1. Goodness is a royal quality, and the true prerogative of greatness.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;"Because the Lord your God is God of gods, King of kings, a great God, powerful and formidable, who judges without considering whom He judges nor who accepts bribes. He judges both orphans and widows, He loves strangers and gives them His food and His clothing." (&lt;i&gt;Deuteronomy&lt;/i&gt; 10:17–18). &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Because God is great and complete in and of Himself, He bends over backwards, as it were, to do good for men, in conformity with these words, "For as is His greatness, so also is His mercy." (&lt;i&gt;Ecclesiastes&lt;/i&gt; 2:23). &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;He imbues kings with an image of His majesty, so that they must imitate his goodness. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;He raises them to a level where they no longer desire anything for themselves. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;That is why, in the passages where we read that "the kingdom of David was imposed upon the People," the Jew and Greek infer "for the people." This shows that the purpose of greatness is the good of the subjects. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In fact, God, who created the body of all men from the same earth and who also placed His image and His likeness in their souls, did not create so many distinctions among men in order to have the proud be separate from the slaves and the destitute. He created the great only so they could protect the meek. He only gave his power to kings so that they may provide for the public good, and so that they could be the People’s support.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 2. The prince is born not for himself, but for the public. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Let the princes understand that their true glory lies not in existing for themselves, but rather that the public welfare that they provide is a sufficiently worthy reward on earth while they await the eternal blessings that God has reserved for them.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 3. The prince must provide for the needs of the People. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The Lord said to David, "Thou shall feed my People of Israel, and shall be their shepherd." (&lt;i&gt;Samuel&lt;/i&gt; &lt;i&gt;II&lt;/i&gt;, 5:2) . . . . &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It is a right of kings to provide for the needs of the People. Whoever else undertakes this function, to the detriment of the prince, infringes upon royalty. The obligation to care for the people is the basis for all the rights that sovereigns have over their subjects, and it was for this reason that royalty was established. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;And it is also for this reason that the People, when they have great need, have the right of appeal to their prince. "In their extreme famine, all of Egypt came to the Pharaoh, crying for bread." (&lt;i&gt;Genesis&lt;/i&gt; 41:55). . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 4. Of all the People, it is the weak to whom the prince must provide the most.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;For it is they who have the greatest need of him who is, by his office, the father and protector of all. This is the reason that God commends widows and orphans mainly to judges and magistrates. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;BOOK FOUR. CONTINUATION OF THE CHARACTERISTICS OF ROYALTY&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;ARTICLE 1. Royal authority is absolute.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In order to make this term odious and unbearable, there are those who pretend to confuse absolute government with arbitrary government. But no two things could be more different, as we will demonstrate when we speak of justice.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 1. The prince answers to no one for his decrees. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;"Observe the commandments that the king utters, and keep the oath that you have taken to him. Do not think about escaping from under him, and do not continue in evil work, for he will do all that pleases him. His word is powerful, and no one can ask him: ‘Why do you do this?’ He who obeys shall not be harmed." (&lt;i&gt;Ecclesiastes&lt;/i&gt; 8:2–5).&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Without this absolute authority, the prince can neither do good nor repress evil. His power must be such that no one can hope to escape him. And finally, the sole defense of individuals against the public power must be their innocence. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This doctrine conforms to what Saint Paul said: "Do you not wish to fear this power? Be well afraid." (&lt;i&gt;Romans&lt;/i&gt; 13:3).&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 2. When the prince has judged, there shall be no other judgment. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The sovereign judgments are attributed to God Himself. . . . The prince can correct himself when he recognizes that he has done wrong, but against his authority the only remedy lies within that authority. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;That is why a prince must be very careful about what he decrees. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 3. There is no coactive force against the prince. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Coactive force is the power to enforce the execution of legitimate orders. Legitimate command belongs to the prince alone. Also to him alone belongs coactive force. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This is also why Saint Paul gave the sword only to the prince. "If you do evil, be afraid, for he does not wield the sword in vain." (&lt;i&gt;Romans&lt;/i&gt; 13:4). &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In a State, only the prince is armed, otherwise everything is confusion and the State collapses into anarchy.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Whoever makes himself a sovereign prince takes everything into his own hands, the supreme judicial authority as well as all the forces of the State. . . . &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;To the prince alone belongs the general care of the People. This is the first article and the basis for all the others. To him belong the public works. To him belong the parade grounds and weapons. To him belong the decrees and regulations. To him belong the badges of distinction. All power stems from his power. All assemblies are dependent upon his authority. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Thus, for the good of the State, all force is gathered into a single entity. For power to exist outside of this entity is to divide the state, ruin the public peace, and create two masters in contradiction to the word of the Gospel. "No man can serve two masters." (&lt;i&gt;Matthew&lt;/i&gt; 6:24).&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;By virtue of his office, the prince is father to his people, and by his greatness he is above petty interests. But even more than this, all his majesty and natural interest are directed toward the preservation of the people, since, in short, if there is no People, there is no prince. There is therefore nothing better than to leave all the power of the State to he who has the greatest interest in its preservation and grandeur.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 4. Kings are thereby not freed from all laws. . . . &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Kings are therefore subject, like all others, to the equality of the law, both because laws must be fair, and because they owe the People the example of maintaining justice. But they are not subject to the penalties of the law. In the language of theology, they are subject to the laws, not as a coactive force but as a directive force.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 5. The People must peacefully remain under the prince’s authority. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposition 6. The people must fear the prince; but the prince need only fear doing evil . . . . &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Fear is a necessary constraint on the People because of their presumptuousness and their natural resistance. Therefore it is necessary for the People to fear the prince. But should the prince fear the People, all is lost. &lt;/p&gt; </text>
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                <text>J.-B. Bossuet, &lt;i&gt;Politique tiree des propres paroles de l'ecriture sainte&lt;/i&gt; (Paris: 1834) vol I, 133 - 149;180 - 188,</text>
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                <text>Jacques–Benigne Bossuet (1627—1704), bishop of Meaux, was a well–known seventeenth–century peacher who believed that although France had a sizable minority of Protestants, France should have a single religion, Catholicism. At the same time, he was a Gallican, meaning he argued that the French clergy owed primary allegiance to the king rather than the Pope in Rome. His emphasis on religious unity and devotion to the French crown—rather than tolerance—appealed to Louis XIV, who appointed Bossuet tutor to heir, the "Dauphin" or crown prince. In this capacity, Bossuet wrote the following passage setting out the basic ideas of the French monarchy.</text>
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                <text>Bossuet, "The Nature and Properties of Royal Authority"</text>
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              <text>The Bourbon dynasty governed France from 1589 to 1793 and from 1814 to 1830, creating an absolute monarchy that reached its zenith under Louis XIV and was overthrown during the reign of Louis XVI. Louis XVI, Louis XVIII, and Charles X all served as constitutional monarchs. It was Charles X’s attempt to institute a more absolutist monarchy that led to the fall of the Bourbons and their replacement by the House of Orléans.</text>
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                <text>Bourbon Restoration (1815–1830).</text>
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              <text>Term with many meanings that must be determined from context. Under the old regime, anyone who lived in an urban area was a bourgeois or member of the bourgeoisie, but the term was usually applied only to wealthier people who did no manual labor. Bourgeois were also those who lived from their invested income or property, thus “living nobly” and constituting a distinct social category that had its own representation in municipal politics. In addition, the bourgeoisie often enjoyed certain privileges that were called the “rights of the city.” After the Revolution, the term “bourgeoisie” became associated with the concept of a capitalist social class. In the nineteenth century, most notably in the work of Karl Marx and other socialist writers, the French Revolution was described as a bourgeois revolution in which a capitalist bourgeoisie overthrew the feudal aristocracy in order to remake society according to capitalist interests and values, thereby paving the way for the Industrial Revolution. Thus, when many nineteenth and twentieth century commentators write about the bourgeoisie, they mean something quite different from what contemporaries meant in the eighteenth century. Careful attention to the proper definition in use is essential.</text>
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                <text>Brissot calls for war.</text>
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                <text>October 20, 1791</text>
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                <text>This color drawing from 1798 mocks both the French navy’s abysmal performance against Nelson’s fleet and the French hope to invade England; in the style of Gillray, it depicts a grotesque, gargantuan woman, straddling the English Channel and urinating into French ships while her trident pierces France and breaks off pieces to be seized by Britain.</text>
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                <text>Britannia Rules the Waves!!</text>
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                <text>These painted engravings ridicule the unrest wrought by French revolutionaries by contrasting French subversion with British stability. The "British Liberty Tree" in this image is assigned to the mock Latin genus of "Stabilissimus," while the more sickly looking "Foreign Tree" (depicted in the following image) is put in the genus "Subitarius."</text>
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                <text>British naval victory, the "Glorious First of June," establishes British control of the seas.</text>
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                <text>June 1, 1794</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;10 November, 1799 (19 Brumaire, Year VIII)&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On my return to Paris, I found division among all the authorities, and agreement upon only one point: that the Constitution was half destroyed and could not save liberty.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;All parties came to me, confided to me their plans, disclosed their secrets, and asked for my support. I refused to be one party's man.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The Council of Elders summoned me, and I went. An outline for general restoration had been planned by the men who the nation has become accustomed to regarding as the defenders of liberty, equality, and property. This plan needed to be looked at calmly, freely and away from any influences or fears. Consequently, the Council of Elders decided to transfer the Legislative Body to Saint-Cloud, and gave me control over the forces necessary to ensure its independence. I believed it my duty to accept the command, for my fellow citizens, for the soldiers being killed in our armies, and for the national glory acquired at the cost of their blood.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The Councils assembled at Saint-Cloud. Republican troops guaranteed their security from without, but assassins created terror from within. Several deputies of the Council of Five-Hundred, armed with stilettos and firearms, made death threats to those around them.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The plan which was to have been further developed, was put aside. The majority fell into disorganization, the boldest orators became disconcerted, and the futility of every wise proposition was obvious.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I took my pain and indignation to the Council of Elders. I asked them to ensure the execution of their generous outline. I showed them the ills of the homeland . . . they agreed with me and demonstrated anew their steadfast will.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I appeared before the Council of Five-Hundred just as I had before the Elders; alone, unarmed, my head uncovered, and was applauded. I had come to remind the majority of its will, and to assure them of their power.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The stilettos that had threatened the deputies were instantly raised against their liberator. Twenty assassins rushed at me, aiming at my breast. The guards of the Legislative Body whom I had left at the door of the hall ran forward and placed themselves between the assassins and me. One of these brave guards had his clothes pierced by a stiletto. They escorted me to safety.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;At the same moment, cries of "outlaw" were raised against me, the defender of the law. It was the fierce cry of assassins against the power that was destined to suppress them.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;They crowded around the president, uttering threats and bearing arms, and commanded him to outlaw me. I was informed of this and ordered him to be rescued from their fury. Six guards of the Legislative Body grabbed hold of him. Immediately afterwards, guards of the Legislative Body charged into the hall and cleared it.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The factions, intimidated, broke up and left. The majority, freed from their attacks, returned peaceably and upon their own will into the meeting hall, listened to the proposals on behalf of public safety, deliberated, and drafted the salutary resolution which is to become the new and provisional law of the Republic.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Frenchmen, you will no doubt recognize this behavior as that of a zealous soldier of Liberty, a citizen devoted to the Republic. The rights of conservative, tutelary, and liberal ideas have been restored through the dispersal of the dissidents who oppressed the Councils.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>John Hall Stewart, &lt;i&gt;A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution&lt;/i&gt; (New York: Macmillan, 1951), 763–65. (Slightly retranslated)</text>
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                <text>Having seized power through the coup of 18 Brumaire [9 November 1799], Bonaparte—now First Consul—set out to win public support for yet another new government. His first public pronouncement was the proclamation reprinted below, in which he claims he had acted to defend liberty and the republic against internal enemies. The proclamation, accompanied by similar proclamations from all the new ministers of the government, elaborated Napoleon’s vaguer but more oft–cited statement to his fellow citizens that "reduced to the principles on which it had been started, the French Revolution is over!"</text>
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                <text>Brumaire: Bonaparte’s Justification</text>
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