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              <text>26 x 34 cm</text>
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              <text>Incendie du corps de garde sur le Pont Neuf, le 29 aout 1788</text>
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              <text>1802-00-00</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Bibliothèque Nationale de France&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>This retrospective shows that early in the Revolution targets were often economic. This should be no surprise as the populace had a long tradition of taking the law into its own hands to rectify what they saw as injustices. Here a guardhouse is destroyed during a riot focused on a network of facilities regulating the market. Most dangerously, the crowd burned an effigy of Brienne, the leading minister in the government. Economic complaints were spilling into the political arena.</text>
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                <text>Claude Niquet (engraver)</text>
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                <text>Burning the Guardhouse on the Pont Neuf</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/85/|Michel Hennin. &lt;em&gt;Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France&lt;/em&gt;. Tome 116, Pièces 10092-10183, période : 1786-1788|&lt;span&gt;de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 9 (pièces 1423-1570), Ancien Régime et Révolution&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>1802</text>
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              <text>74 x 52 cm</text>
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              <text>Marat, l'ami du peuple</text>
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                <text>Museum of the French Revolution 88.112</text>
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                <text>After Marat’s death, his defenders glamorized him, forgetting both his physical deformities and his vitriolic calls for more and more heads. One common approach was to give him secular sainthood (a halo in this image) incongruous for someone with so little patience with the church.</text>
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                <text>Bust of Marat</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/43/|Smith-Lesouëf, 2840. - Images de la Révolution française : catalogue du vidéodisque, 1990, 16985-16987 = Vidéodisque, 16985-16987</text>
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                <text>1793-1794</text>
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        <name>The Terror</name>
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              <text>List of grievances written by each order (estate) for every bailliage and sénéchaussée (as well as a few other institutions) in France as part of the electoral process of the spring of 1789. The cahiers were intended to inform and instruct the deputies of local views and authorize reform. Cahiers of the third estate were written at the parish level, then consolidated at the bailliage/sénéchaussée level by order, providing a superb source for those interested in public opinion in the spring of 1789. Nobles and clergy began on the bailliage/sénéchaussée level.</text>
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                <text>1067</text>
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                <text>Cahier de doléances</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/1067/</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Upper Alsace, Bailliage de Belfort&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;To His Grace, Monsieur Necker, Minister of Finances&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Statement concerning the unjust, onerous, and humiliating dues and other unheard of burdens which the undersigned inhabitants of the seigneury of Montjoye-Vaufrey are made to endure by the Count of Montjoye-Vaufrey. The seigneury of Montjoye-Vaufrey is small with almost inaccessible mountains, covered in large part by forests of beech and fir trees. The soil is naturally barren and produces nothing but brambles and thorn bushes. It is part of Upper Alsace and enclosed by the diocese of Basle, lying on the kingdom's border.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Close to one thousand individuals live in this region, which is almost wild because of its location. There they stagnate, living in misery, crushed beneath the entire weight of the most inhumane and detestable feudal system and the victims of the thousands of abuses that the seigneur of Montjoye heaps upon them. The truth of these statements will be found to be more than convincing once we have outlined the rights that the [seigneur] claims to have over them and the manner in which these rights are exercised.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;The Tithe of the Sixth Sheaf&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The seigneur demands one of every six sheaves produced on the majority of the lands of the seigneury. The other sheaves are left to the owner, who uses one and a half sheaves for seed because the soil only yields four sheaves for every sheaf planted. The remaining three and a half sheaves constitute his only profit from sowing and are used to feed himself and to pay other seigneurial dues.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;The Right of Mortmain&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The same lands on which the seigneur collects this unusual tithe are also subject to &lt;i&gt;mortmain&lt;/i&gt; [death duty], and he exercises this right with such cruelty that the poor unfortunate owner cannot sell his land, even when reduced to a state of destitution deserving of the greatest compassion. We have seen infirm persons, possessing land, but forbidden to sell it by the seigneur, who are led by their charitable fellow-citizens from village to village begging for alms. Gardens, houses, and orchards were once exempt from this duty, but today he takes everything in case the owner dies without an heir.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Corvées&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It would seem that the owners of these same lands should be left to enjoy their produce in peace, obliged as they are to submit to such an outrageous tithe and to the odious exercise of the right of &lt;i&gt;mortmain.&lt;/i&gt; But far from it. In addition, this seigneur requires five days of work from them, and if he obliges them to perform this service in actual labor, he assigns the work when it is convenient for him. It is often the case that those subject to the &lt;i&gt;corvée&lt;/i&gt; are not able to fulfill their tasks in a day, whereupon they are obliged to continue their work the next day, even though only one day of work is counted. If he does not require actual labor from them, someone who has two oxen is forced to pay him six &lt;i&gt;livres&lt;/i&gt;. . . . Some people have preferred to endure this additional charge rather than to provide the actual labor, but the worker with no beasts of burden performs the &lt;i&gt;corvée&lt;/i&gt; with his own hands. Or, if he wants to commute his work into money, he is forced to pay three &lt;i&gt;livres&lt;/i&gt; fifteen &lt;i&gt;sols&lt;/i&gt;, whereas before he would only have paid thirty-three &lt;i&gt;sols&lt;/i&gt;. Poor beggars are not exempt. They are seen going from door to door asking for bread in order to go and work for the seigneur, because recently he refuses all food to those required to work at the &lt;i&gt;corvée.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Taxes, Hens, the Sale of Wine, Residence Rights&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;For each journal of land [a measure of land equal to the amount a plowman could plow in a day] he takes eight &lt;i&gt;deniers&lt;/i&gt; in taxes, three hens for each hearth, and the poor are no more exempt than the richest inhabitant. He collects a tenth of the wine sold in inns, whereas the king only takes a twentieth. He makes each person who moves to a new community pay a &lt;i&gt;florin&lt;/i&gt; a year for this right. Outsiders are also subject to this payment.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Withholding Right&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;For approximately ten years, he has assumed a withholding right with respect to most of the land sold in the seigneury. He sells this right to whomever he wants; therefore the heir can be banished from the land. The rights of family are held in just as much contempt as those of humanity.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Communal Forests&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;His greed leads him to appropriate all of the communal forests, selling them for his own profit. This usurpation has already been seen in the communities of Montjoye, Monnoiront, and Les Choseaux. He gives them to whomever he pleases. The distribution is never in proportion to the needs of the individual, demonstrating his absolute mastery. However, individuals pay royal taxes and even the subsidy, a tax which in Alsace is particularly heavy on forests.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Communal Pasturelands&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The same observations can be made with regard to communal pasturelands. The seigneur does not allow land to be cleared at all unless one agrees to plant and give him a sixth of what is produced. Otherwise it is forbidden to touch the smallest bramble or thorn. Sometimes he seizes certain portions of these pasturelands that meet his needs, and at other times he cedes them to different individuals.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Beating the Woods&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Nothing demonstrates the slavery in which he holds these unfortunate people, and the odious use that he makes of his power, more than their obligation to cater to his whims. When it pleases him, and as often as it pleases him, he obliges them to beat the woods in order to satisfy his desire to hunt. As he does all of the others, he exercises the right arbitrarily. The farmer who is thus forced to wander through the woods for a whole day receives neither sustenance, nor a bonus, nor payment. If he refuses to do this work, the seigneur levies a fine to compensate for his loss of recreation, and his judge never fails to rule in favor of the plaintiff. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;For more than a century, they have taken their seigneur to court in order to oblige him to produce the legal titles which give him the right to oppress them. To thwart these just measures, the predecessors of the current seigneur had the deputies of the leading communities clapped in irons and imprisoned, charging them with insubordination and holding them in custody at the seigneur's will. The current seigneur has again outdone his predecessors. For two months, he has kept . . . an entire family composed of six heads of household in prison, and he has charged each fifteen gold &lt;i&gt;louis&lt;/i&gt;. He has had several others imprisoned. This kind of violence holds all of these unfortunate people in the cruelest fear and slavery. Until now, each imprisonment has been the signal for the creation of a new tax, and it is in this very unusual manner that he perpetuates these different humiliations and creates new ones.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1789-00-00</text>
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                <text>Patrick Kessel, &lt;i&gt;La Nuit de 4 août 1789&lt;/i&gt; (Paris: Arthaud, 1967), 307–12.</text>
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                <text>The petitions from rural communities decried the abuse of seigneurial dues that peasants owed to lords in exchange for which they were supposed to receive protection and supervision. But by 1789, as these excerpts demonstrate, peasants had come to see their lords not as protectors, but as creditors, constantly turning the screws on them for ever more rent or other payments.</text>
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                <text>Cahiers from Rural Districts: Attack on Seigneurial Dues</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/375/</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Gifts, pensions, and large profits reserved to nobles only take the spirit of emulation away from both nobles and commoners. Emulation is taken away from the nobles because, by being born noble and aspiring to everything, they need credit. Emulation is also taken away from the commoners because these people cannot aspire to anything, and emulation becomes useless to them. To deprive a State of the genius that could enlighten, instruct, and defend it, is a crime toward the nation. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;To close off employment possibilities and respectable occupations to the most numerous and useful class is like killing genius and talents, and forcing them to run away from an ungrateful home. However, in our current constitution, only nobles enjoy all prerogatives like landed wealth, honors, dignities, graces, pensions, retirements, responsibility for government, and free schools. . . . These [privileges] constitute the favors the State lavishes exclusively on the nobility, at the expense of the Third Estate.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The nobility enjoys and owns everything, and would like to free itself from everything. However, if the nobility commands the army, the Third Estate makes it up. If nobility pours a drop of blood, the Third Estate spreads rivers of it. The nobility empties the royal treasury, the Third Estate fills it up. Finally, the Third Estate pays everything and does not enjoy anything.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Lauris (sénéchaussée Aix)&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Sire, it is with the heaviest pain that we see huge pensions granted to vile and scheming courtiers. They take credit in front of Your Majesty. Significant remunerations are tied to jobs without duties.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;If only you knew, Sire, how much sweat, how many tears soak the money going into your treasury. Without doubt, your kindness will be more on its guard against people's indiscreet requests who consume in one day the fruits of taxes from thousands of your poor subjects.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;We cannot hide, Sire, that the nobility consumes the major part of State income. Indeed, it is this order of citizens, to whom we probably give the most merit, that furnishes the crown officers, the governors, the commanders, the quartermasters, and all the people who have honorable positions. A noble man, who knows how to dance well, ride a horse well, and handle a sword, thinks he deserves everything, and, nonetheless, he pretends that he does not owe anything to the State. If he is only greedy for glory, then he should serve Your Majesty and the nation and receive no income.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>The&lt;i&gt; cahiers de doléances &lt;/i&gt;["lists of grievances"] drawn up by each assembly in choosing deputies to the Estates–General are the best available source of the thoughts of the French population on the eve of the Revolution. This excerpt from a parish cahier in the sénéchaussée of Aix–en–Provence demonstrates that popular unrest stemmed in large part from the privileges enjoyed by nobles and by officeholders, and that such offices were not usually open to the most qualified individuals.</text>
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                <text>Calonne presents reform proposals to Louis XVI.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Abuses&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Abuses [in tax payment] . . . are defended by self-interest, influence, wealth and ancient prejudices which seem to be hallowed by time; but what are all these together compared with the common good and the necessity of the state?&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;These abuses oppress the wealth-producing, laboring class: the abuses of pecuniary privilege; exceptions to the general rule, and so many unjust; exemptions which only relieve one section of taxpayers by aggravating the condition of the others. . . .&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The projects which the King intends to impart to you . . . . are neither doctrinaire nor novelties. They represent a summary of . . . the plans for the public good long contemplated by experienced statesmen and by the government itself. Some have been attempted in part and all seem to have the backing of the nation, but hitherto their complete implementation appeared impracticable because of the difficulty of reconciling a host of local customs, claims, privileges and conflicting interests.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;To this end, His Majesty has first of all considered the various forms of administration which occur in those provinces without [local] Estates. In order that the distribution of taxation may cease to be unequal and arbitrary, He has decided to confide the task to the landowners and he has derived from the first principles of the monarchy the general plan of a graduated series of deliberative assemblies whereby the expression of the taxpayers' wishes and their observations on everything which concerns them will be transmitted from parish to district assemblies, thence to provincial assemblies and through them to the throne.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Next His Majesty brought all his personal attention to bear on establishing the same principle of uniformity . . . . in the distribution of the land tax. . . . He recognized that . . . the &lt;em&gt;vingtièmes &lt;/em&gt;[one-twentieth], instead of being assessed as they should be on all the land in his kingdom in true proportion to the value of the crop, suffer an infinity of exceptions which are tolerated rather than regarded as legitimate. . . . The revenue of this general tax, instead of providing the government with vital information about the produce of the kingdom and the relative wealth of each province, serve only to demonstrate the offensive inequality between their various contributions. . . .&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;His Majesty has decided to remedy these defects by applying the rules of a strictly distributive justice, by restoring the original intention behind the tax, and by raising it to its true value without increasing anyone's contribution (indeed granting some relief to the people), and finally by making every kind of privilege incompatible. The &lt;em&gt;vingtièmes&lt;/em&gt; will be replaced by a general land tax covering the whole area of the kingdom on a proportion of all produce, payable in kind where feasible, otherwise in money, and admitting of no exception, even the crown lands other than those resulting from the varying fertility of the soil and the varying harvests.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The lands of the [Roman Catholic] Church would necessarily be included in this general assessment which, to be fair, must include all land as does the protection for which it is the price. But in order that these lands should not be overburdened by continuing to pay the taxes collected to fund the debt of the clergy, the King, sovereign protector of the churches of his kingdom, has decided to provide for the repayment of this debt by granting the clergy the necessary authorization to make the repayment [by selling off feudal rights, etc.] . . . .&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Complete freedom of the grain trade . . . with the one exception of deferring to the wishes of the provinces when any of them think it necessary temporarily to suspend export abroad. . . .&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The King also proposes the abolition of the &lt;em&gt;corvée&lt;/em&gt; [forced labor on public highways] and the conversion of this excessively harsh exaction to a monetary contribution distributed more justly and spent in such a way that it can never be diverted to other purposes.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Internal free trade, customs houses removed to the frontiers, the establishment of a uniform tariff taking the needs of commerce into consideration, the suppression of several taxes which are harmful to industry or lead too easily to harassment and the alleviation of the burden of the &lt;em&gt;gabelle&lt;/em&gt; [the obligation to purchase salt from the state] (which I have never mentioned to His Majesty without his being deeply grieved that he cannot rid his subjects of it altogether). These, gentlemen, are so many salutary measures which enter into the plan upon which His Majesty will enlarge and which all conform to the principles of order and uniformity which are its basis.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Jules Flammermont, &lt;em&gt;Remonstrances du Parlement de Paris au XVIIIe siècle,&lt;/em&gt; vol. 1 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1888–98), 189–98.</text>
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                <text>In 1783, Charles Alexandre de Calonne, a provincial noble, became royal finance minister. At first, he, like Vergennes, saw no need to rationalize the royal treasury or to appease the &lt;em&gt;Parlements&lt;/em&gt;. However, by 1786 the deficit had become so huge—one–sixth of the total royal budget—that Calonne knew reforms (meaning more taxes or at least more loans) could no longer be put off. To obtain the support of regional nobles for such changes, the King called an Assembly of Notables. At the opening session, on 22 February 1787, Calonne addressed the assembly and proposed a uniform tax across the kingdom, to be administered by provincial assemblies of nobles and other elites. In other words, a royal minister was now suggesting that privileges from taxation should be replaced with a fiscal policy that would apply to all equally.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Abuses&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Abuses [in tax payment] . . . are defended by self-interest, influence, wealth and ancient prejudices which seem to be hallowed by time; but what are all these together compared with the common good and the necessity of the state?&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;These abuses oppress the wealth-producing, laboring class: the abuses of pecuniary privilege; exceptions to the general rule, and so many unjust; exemptions which only relieve one section of taxpayers by aggravating the condition of the others. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The projects which the King intends to impart to you . . . . are neither doctrinaire nor novelties. They represent a summary of . . . the plans for the public good long contemplated by experienced statesmen and by the government itself. Some have been attempted in part and all seem to have the backing of the nation, but hitherto their complete implementation appeared impracticable because of the difficulty of reconciling a host of local customs, claims, privileges and conflicting interests.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;To this end, His Majesty has first of all considered the various forms of administration which occur in those provinces without [local] Estates. In order that the distribution of taxation may cease to be unequal and arbitrary, He has decided to confide the task to the landowners and he has derived from the first principles of the monarchy the general plan of a graduated series of deliberative assemblies whereby the expression of the taxpayers' wishes and their observations on everything which concerns them will be transmitted from parish to district assemblies, thence to provincial assemblies and through them to the throne.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Next His Majesty brought all his personal attention to bear on establishing the same principle of uniformity . . . . in the distribution of the land tax. . . . He recognized that . . . the &lt;i&gt;vingtièmes &lt;/i&gt;[one-twentieth], instead of being assessed as they should be on all the land in his kingdom in true proportion to the value of the crop, suffer an infinity of exceptions which are tolerated rather than regarded as legitimate. . . . The revenue of this general tax, instead of providing the government with vital information about the produce of the kingdom and the relative wealth of each province, serve only to demonstrate the offensive inequality between their various contributions. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;His Majesty has decided to remedy these defects by applying the rules of a strictly distributive justice, by restoring the original intention behind the tax, and by raising it to its true value without increasing anyone's contribution (indeed granting some relief to the people), and finally by making every kind of privilege incompatible. The &lt;i&gt;vingtièmes&lt;/i&gt; will be replaced by a general land tax covering the whole area of the kingdom on a proportion of all produce, payable in kind where feasible, otherwise in money, and admitting of no exception, even the crown lands other than those resulting from the varying fertility of the soil and the varying harvests.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The lands of the [Roman Catholic] Church would necessarily be included in this general assessment which, to be fair, must include all land as does the protection for which it is the price. But in order that these lands should not be overburdened by continuing to pay the taxes collected to fund the debt of the clergy, the King, sovereign protector of the churches of his kingdom, has decided to provide for the repayment of this debt by granting the clergy the necessary authorization to make the repayment [by selling off feudal rights, etc.] . . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Complete freedom of the grain trade . . . with the one exception of deferring to the wishes of the provinces when any of them think it necessary temporarily to suspend export abroad. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The King also proposes the abolition of the &lt;i&gt;corvée&lt;/i&gt; [forced labor on public highways] and the conversion of this excessively harsh exaction to a monetary contribution distributed more justly and spent in such a way that it can never be diverted to other purposes.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Internal free trade, customs houses removed to the frontiers, the establishment of a uniform tariff taking the needs of commerce into consideration, the suppression of several taxes which are harmful to industry or lead too easily to harassment and the alleviation of the burden of the &lt;i&gt;gabelle&lt;/i&gt; [the obligation to purchase salt from the state] (which I have never mentioned to His Majesty without his being deeply grieved that he cannot rid his subjects of it altogether). These, gentlemen, are so many salutary measures which enter into the plan upon which His Majesty will enlarge and which all conform to the principles of order and uniformity which are its basis.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Jules Flammermont, &lt;i&gt;Remonstrances du Parlement de Paris au XVIIIe siècle,&lt;/i&gt; vol. 1 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1888–98), 189–98.</text>
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                <text>In 1783 Charles Alexandre de Calonne, a provincial noble, became royal finance minister. At first, he, like Vergennes, saw no need to rationalize the royal treasury or to appease the &lt;i&gt;Parlements&lt;/i&gt;. By 1786, however, the deficit had become so huge—one–sixth of the total royal budget—that Calonne knew that reforms—meaning more taxes, or at least more loans—could no longer be put off. To obtain the support of regional nobles for such changes, the King called an Assembly of Notables. At the opening session, on 22 February 1787, Calonne addressed the assembly and proposed a uniform tax across the kingdom, to be administered by provincial assemblies of nobles and other elites. In other words, a royal minister was now suggesting that taxation privileges should be replaced by a fiscal policy that would apply to all equally.</text>
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                <text>Calonne, "Programs of Reform," Address to Assembly of Notables (1787)</text>
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                <text>Camille Desmoulins publishes the first issue of &lt;i&gt;Le Vieux Cordelier&lt;/i&gt;. He favors the ideas of Danton, urging peace negotiations with foreign powers and an end to the official Terror.</text>
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