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              <text>Unit of copper money during the old regime and equal to 1/240th of a livre. Twelve deniers made up a sou and 20 sous made up a livre. Prior to the Revolution, journeymen outside of Paris might make around 200 livres annually while provincial attorneys earned around 2,000 livres.</text>
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                <text>Denier</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Section de l'Indivisibilité Denunciation against Widow Barbau, 10 Prairial, Year III [29 May 1795].&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Because any citizen who is a friend of order and justice and humanity must state what he saw and heard from the monsters composing the infernal sect of Jacobin terrorists, blood-drinkers, etc., . . . I declare that the Barbau woman from the &lt;i&gt;Marché&lt;/i&gt; Saint-Jean, in the right-hand corner, is one of these furies to be guillotined, vomited up from Hell to destroy the French human race. The role she played during the reign of the Robespierrists will bring her into the public eye. She was the secret agent and confederate of Laine, &lt;i&gt;Commissaire&lt;/i&gt; of the former Revolutionary Committee of this Section. Moreover, she was a sister &lt;i&gt;tricoteuse&lt;/i&gt; [knitter] in the spectator galleries of the Jacobins, known from [these affiliations] to the Revolutionary Tribunal. She said to whoever was willing to listen to her, "I have had thirty-five of them guillotined by a simple declaration, and this will not be the sum total. It wouldn't matter if someone were my best friend, I would have him guillotined if he did not think like a true Jacobin. . . ." About five or six weeks ago, at the door of Citizen Patriarche, a baker on the rue de Culture-[Ste.] Catherine, I saw and heard her making the most revolting, seditious, and bloody remarks you could imagine. She incited citizens and &lt;i&gt;citoyennes&lt;/i&gt; to revolt, to throw their bread in the face of the &lt;i&gt;Commissaires&lt;/i&gt;, and from there to go and fall upon the people in power. According to her account, it was they who were responsible for people's dying of hunger as much as the egotistical merchants, the former aristocrats, the rich. All who were and still are priests will not be guillotined or finished off &lt;i&gt;en masse&lt;/i&gt;; everything will not be okay, etc. . . . She said, "They really had it in for our poor Robespierre, but in his reign, at least, one ate. For humane reasons executions took place promptly, but these people, they make us die languishing because if that kind of thing goes on we will die mad; but good patriots will get the upper hand, and if they do not, the Republic is lost." On the days which preceded 1 Prairial, I noted in her appearance and on her sinister face an extraordinary contentment. She was seen appearing late in the morning and returning very late and very excited because she believed her triumph assured. She already pointed out those whom she would have guillotined. She was often at the door of the Convent Filles-Bleues and for secret business at the door of the former Hotel Carnavalet. . . . Whenever a so-called muscadin or other well-dressed persons passed before her, she cried out pretty loudly, "There goes yet another damned one for the guillotine." There is every reason to believe that she was paid off, since no one has seen her work. She contributed no small amount to bringing on the disastrous &lt;i&gt;journées&lt;/i&gt; of 1, 2, and 3 Prairial. On the 5th, seeing that the battle was lost, she said good-bye and moved out that same day.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On my life, I will support everything stated above.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;[signed]&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Fontaine&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;rue de Culture Ste. Catherine, no. 529&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Note. On Saturday, the 4th of the month, she danced &lt;i&gt;en ronde&lt;/i&gt; at the door of the convent. She held up a red handkerchief as a rallying sign, and she called it her favorite handkerchief, or her handkerchief of blood.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1795-05-29</text>
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                <text>From &lt;i&gt;Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795, &lt;/i&gt;edited and translated by Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson. Copyright 1979 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press, 292–293.</text>
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                <text>Once the uprising of May 1795 had been suppressed, the government set up a military tribunal, which gathered denunciations of presumed rioters. This one gives a good sense of the charges made and the kind of language used ("infernal sect of Jacobin terrorists, blood–drinkers, etc.").</text>
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                <text>Denunciation of a Woman Participant in the Uprising of May 1795</text>
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                <text>May 29, 1795</text>
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                <text>Departments of 1798</text>
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              <text>Départ des Trois Ordres pour Versailles</text>
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                <text>Although 14 July 1790 was a high point in the aspiration for unity, the preparation for the Estates–General set the stage for later problems. In this image, representatives of each of the three orders depart together in a cart for the 1789 meeting of the Estates–General at Versailles, where they will advise the King on behalf of the nation. The social differences depicted here and shown in the cahiers would not long remain under control.</text>
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                <text>Departure of the Three Orders for Versailles</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/155/|&lt;span&gt;Collection de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 45 (pièces 6109-6282), Ancien Régime et Révolution&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Cornell Rare DC140.9 F87++ Box 2, #82</text>
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                <text>The counterrevolution was a very large movement that would over time engulf different parts of France from 1793 into the Napoleonic period. But it was not one thing, for many regions of different ideologies were involved. The most serious was the revolt in the west, including both the Vendée (especially during 1793–94) and the Chouans (strongest in 1795–96). This engraving (and the following one) mocks the "Counterrevolution" by depicting its participants grotesquely and comically. It shows three effeminate–looking dandies identified as officers of the Chouan army, setting forth "to assassinate, starve, and slit the throats of . . . patriots."</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;A very curious menagerie has been living in Henri IV's castle for a while. A very curious menagerie because of the rare animals living in there, and because it costs such an excessive fortune to the French nation to maintain these animals.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The public has examined the fierce animals who were in the cages of the Versailles park. It is possible for the same public to observe some quadrupeds gathered at the Louvre, without going too far. We are going to mention the most remarkable ones. We will indicate their habits, their tendencies, the way they eat, and finally their properties.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I—THE ROYAL VETO&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This animal measures about five feet and five inches. He walks on his back feet, like the humans do. His hairs are fawn. His eyes are like the ones of a beast, his mouth is well cut, and he has a red muzzle and big ears. He does not have much hair. He screams like a pig, and HE DOES NOT HAVE A TAIL.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;He is naturally voracious. He eats. Rather, he devours in a dirty way everything people throw at him. He is a drunkard and does not stop drinking, from the time he gets up until he goes to bed.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The royal veto is as shy as a hare, and as stupid as an ostrich. Finally he represents a big animal nature created with regret.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;His food costs around twenty-five to thirty millions [&lt;i&gt;livres&lt;/i&gt;] a year, and he is not grateful for it. On the contrary, he only tries to harm. His deceitful and rude genius often leads him against the walls of the national terrace, where he sometimes breaks his nose.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;He is thirty-four or thirty-six years old. He was born in Versailles and he was given the nickname Louis XVI.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;II—THE ROYAL VETO FEMALE&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The female of the royal veto is a monster who was found in Vienna, Austria, in the Empress Maria-Theresa's wardrobe. This female monkey with a crown probably had a craving against nature. She probably had sex with a tiger or with a bear and gave birth to Marie Antoinette.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This thirty-three-year-old monster was brought to France when the incestuous Louis XV was King. From her country she brought duplicity, and she also added treachery to it, which represents a natural feature of people like her. First she behaved like a very soft person in front of the people. They were screaming: LONG LIVE THE QUEEN! When she was assured she could appear friendly with a few fake smiles, she lifted her mask and was known for what she exactly was.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Her marriage to a boor was a political treaty. Her husband was spending all his time making locks and bolts. Like Denis of Syracuse, she soon manages the ways to have fun at the expense of the people. Parc-au-Cerf, Bagatelle, Trianon, Decampativos, and the famous parties were the centers of all attention. During these parties the royal veto was always the chamber pot. The Artois and the Polignac females, the Vaudreuil and the bodyguards, the King and his chipmunk, the Cardinal and Cagliostro, the necklace and the unfortunate Oliva, who was poisoned, represented the main subjects of discussions. The Austrian was being punished for her crimes and the horrors she had committed. But she did not care about it and about the Nation. The people rise up, and the Austrian Siren carries in her arms a child (it is the Prince), and she runs away. Then the Versailles Menagerie is transferred to Paris. . . . The female of the Royal Veto hatches a trip to the frontier with an animal named Lafayette. The chameleon lets the Baronne of Korff go, as well as Louis XVI, King of France and his valet. . . . Then the group is arrested and escorted back to Paris. This is the way Marie Antoinette of Austria takes pleasure in disturbing the peace of a free France.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Lately a prostitute was condemned to six months in jail for having insulted a citizen. . . . If Marie Antoinette was being judged the way she deserves it, she would meet good friends at the Salpetrière.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The female of the Royal Veto is tall, ugly, wrinkled, used, faded, hideous, awful. As the Nation wrongly promotes its tyrants, she eats the French money in the hope of devouring French people the one after the other.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1789-00-00</text>
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                <text>Anonymous, &lt;i&gt;Déscription de la Menagerie Royale d'Animaux Vivants &lt;/i&gt;(n.p., n.d.).</text>
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                <text>A common theme in libels was to compare the royal family to animals. This pamphlet parodies the Queen and her entourage as animals in a zoo, emphasizing how the courtly way of life at Versailles seemed bizarre to the rest of the French people. (The references to "royal veto" refer to the debate that took place over the power that the King should have under the new constitution to veto laws passed by the Legislative Assembly; by referring to all members of the royal family members, the pamphlet mocks the reduced powers of the crown under the new form of government.)</text>
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                <text>329</text>
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                <text>Description of the Royal Menagerie (1789)</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/329/</text>
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                <text>1789</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;A number of French aristocrats and malcontents are currently said to be in Barcelona, where they are working against their country's glorious revolution, and to persuade the Court Madrid to redouble precautions against French pamphlets. They are wasting their time, however, for sooner or later, liberty will come to France.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;There is, however, a large amount of information being exchanged between Paris and Madrid through numerous courtiers who travel back and forth. Among those who arrived in Paris from Spain is a great Spanish lord who travels incognito, but is well known and a close watch is kept on his movements.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;There is talk of two Spanish squadrons, one of which is reportedly to appear off the coast at Gascony, the other off the coast of Languedoc and Provence.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The King of Sardinia has placed troops on alert whose suspected use shall be to invade France.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The King of Naples is making preparations as if he were going to bombard Algiers. According to all reports, it would appear that the actions of these various powers are all aimed at helping the French ministry in their well-known plans of overturning the constitution and bringing about a counterrevolution.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;These enemies of the State intend to create a stronghold for the final stand of a dying aristocracy.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Besides, it is known that the ambassadors of Naples, Spain, and Sardinia go to the Tuileries almost daily. They arrive at ten in the morning and leave only at midnight, or often even later. This naturally leads one to believe that there are important negotiations in progress between our court and theirs, the aim of which is certainly not to help the new regime but rather to restore the old one.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It is also certain that in the quarters of the King's wife at the Tuileries, a committee meets, made up of the Keeper of the Seals, Monsieur de Saint-Priest, and the Count of Reuss, a secret agent, but one who is well known to the Viennese court. The ambassadors of Naples, Spain, and Sardinia are also said to be summoned occasionally to this committee.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This committee could be called the "Austrian Committee," because it reportedly was there that, against the best interests of France, the decision was taken to renew the alliance with the Court of Vienna, and to try to return the Low Countries to Austrian domination.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1791-06-00</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Les Révolutions de France et de Brabant&lt;/i&gt;, no. 18 (June 1791), 137–40.</text>
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                <text>This article appeared in the newspaper &lt;i&gt;Revolutions of France and Brabant&lt;/i&gt;, under the headline: "Horrible maneuvers of the Austrians at the Tuileries Palace to bring civil war to France . . ." and discusses various rumors making the rounds that the King would soon flee France and initiate an invasion led by former aristocrats to undo the evolution. Camile Desmoulins’s reference to the "Austrian Committee" implied that Marie Antoinette was conspiring with other members of her Habsburg family who ruled in Austria.</text>
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                <text>Desmoulins Attacks the Queen (June 1791)</text>
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                <text>June 1791</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Dearest father,&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I can now write to you. . . . How things have changed over the last three days! Last Sunday, Paris was dismayed at the dismissal of M. Necker. Although I was getting people worked up, no one would take up arms. About three o'clock I went to the Palais-Royal. I was deploring our lack of courage to a group of people when three young men came by, holding hands and shouting &lt;i&gt;Aux armes&lt;/i&gt;! (To arms!) I joined them and since my enthusiasm was quite obvious, I was surrounded and pressed to climb up on a table. Immediately six thousand people gathered around me. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I was choking from the hundreds of ideas that overwhelmed me and, my thoughts a jumble, I spoke: "To arms!' I cried, "To arms! Let us all wear green cockades, the color of hope." . . . I grabbed a green ribbon and was the first to pin it to my hat. My action spread like wildfire! The noise from the tumult reached the camp; the Cravates, the Swiss, the Dragoons, the Royal-Allemand all arrived. Prince Lambesc, leading the regiment of Royal-Allemands, entered the Tuileries on horseback. He personally cut down an unarmed French guardsman with his sword, and knocked over women and children. The crowd became furious, and from that point on, there was but a single cry heard across Paris: To Arms!&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1789-07-11</text>
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                <text>Jules Claretie, ed., &lt;i&gt;Oeuvres de Camille Desmoulins,&lt;/i&gt; 2 vols. (Paris: Charpentier, 1906), 2:329–31.</text>
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                <text>Camille Desmoulins, an aspiring journalist and author of an anti–aristocratic pamphlet, had been closely following political events. Like many observers, he interpreted Necker’s dismissal as evidence that the King would soon use the troops stationed in Paris to dispel the Estates–General and suppress any demonstrations. Upon receiving the news, he headed to the Palais Royal, a gathering place for the politically aware to exchange news and give speeches. In this letter, he describes how he called upon the people of Paris to act decisively by giving a rousing speech that inspired a crowd to "take arms" and defend the Estates–General against royal troops.</text>
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                <text>380</text>
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                <text>Desmoulins on His Own Role</text>
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                <text>July 11, 1789</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;In my opinion, the best touchstone as to whether a decree is good is the consternation it causes in the Tuileries Palace as seen on the long faces of the King's ministers. Alone in the palace do the children not through their countenance tell good citizens what they should hope or fear [from a given law]. For example, on Saturday, 22 May, the young prince applauded Mirabeau's decree [on the right of war and peace] with a good sense well beyond his years. The people applauded as well . . . thinking it was exalting the triumph of Barnave and all the glorious Jacobins who, it imagined, had won a great victory, and those deputies were weak enough not to recognize their own error.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Robespierre was more frank. He said, to the deafening applause of the crowd, "&lt;i&gt;Well, gentlemen, what are you celebrating? The decree is detestable to the highest degree; let us leave this monkey&lt;/i&gt; [the prince]&lt;i&gt; to beat his hands at his window; he knows better than us what he is doing.&lt;/i&gt;"&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Lately, the King has appeared more often in public. He goes hunting and marches in processions. He gives his thanks to the National Parisian Guard; he reviews it on the marching fields, and I saw him galloping sadly amidst infinite cries of&lt;i&gt; "Long live the King!"&lt;/i&gt; I alone made myself hoarse by daring to shout in his ears &lt;i&gt;"Long live the nation!"&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I recall some years ago, his wife, on one occasion entering Paris to a very cold reception, saying these highly comical words: &lt;i&gt;"I feel that my people annoy me."&lt;/i&gt; For the past year, Madame in turn, has been annoying her people.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Les Révolutions de France et de Brabant&lt;/i&gt;, no. 28 (May 1790), 665–66.</text>
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                <text>In the spring of 1790, there was much debate in the Constituent Assembly and in the press over who should have the power to declare war or peace under the new constitution—the King or the legislature? On 22 May, the Count de Mirabeau fashioned a compromise by which the King would have power to initiate a war or agree to a peace treaty, but only with legislative approval. For many observers, this compromise was a great victory for the "people" over the crown. However, in this passage from his newspaper, &lt;i&gt;Revolutions of France and the Netherlands&lt;/i&gt;, Camille Desmoulins, an uncompromising republican, questioned why supporters of the Revolution were content with an arrangement that left so much power in the hands of the monarch.</text>
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                <text>310</text>
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                <text>Desmoulins: A Radical’s View of the Constitutional Monarch (May 1790)</text>
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                <text>May 1790</text>
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              <text>Engraving</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="674">
              <text>36.5 x 26 cm</text>
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              <text>Destruction of the French Collossus</text>
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              <text>Shall the Works of a wicked Nation remain? shall the Monuments of Oppression not be destroyed? shall the Lightning not blast the Image which the Destroyers have set up against the God of Heaven &amp; against His laws?</text>
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            <name>Source</name>
            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Bibliothèque Nationale de France&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>This hand–colored engraving, published in late 1798, depicts a Hercules representing France being decapitated by a lighting bolt in divine retribution for the executions by guillotine and for the attempt to create "Fraternity" and a "Religion of Nature" to replace the Christian love of God. Notice that it is the British who launch these deadly attacks.</text>
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            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                <text>James Gillray</text>
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            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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                <text>Public Domain</text>
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            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
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                <text>JPEG</text>
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            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
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                <text>English</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Destruction of the French Colossus</text>
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            <name>Relation</name>
            <description>A related resource</description>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/52/|Collection de &lt;em&gt;Vinck. Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870.&lt;/em&gt; Vol. 29 (pièces 4856-5017), Ancien Régime et Révolution</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                <text>1798</text>
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          <element elementId="43">
            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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                <text>52</text>
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        <name>Counterrevolution</name>
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        <name>Image</name>
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      <tag tagId="24">
        <name>Sans-culottes</name>
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