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                <text>Haiti during the Revolution</text>
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                <text>Haiti recognized as an independent republic, marking the first successful slave revolt in history.</text>
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                <text>1804</text>
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                <text>Library of Congress</text>
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                <text>In this English image, as the King’s head is about to fall into the executioner’s basket, bats out of Hell emerge, symbolizing the Revolution. At the same time, God’s favor seems to fall on Louis through a shaft of light coming from heaven. From the first, some English, especially Edmund Burke, were skeptical, indeed critical of the Revolution, and the numbers grew over time. In addition, the English had a thriving group of political cartoonists. These two factors helped produce some very interesting counterrevolutionary images.</text>
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                <text>Hell Broke Loose, or, The Murder of Louis</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/53/|"British Political and Social Cartoons, 1655-1832, not in the British Museum," produced by the Library of Congress Photoduplication Service, 1970 (Microfilm LOT 12022).</text>
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                <text>1793</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;So far, the weakness of the legal government is extreme. For four years, whatever its kind, everywhere and constantly, it has been disobeyed; for four years, whatever its kind, it has never dared enforce obedience. Recruited among the cultivated and refined class, the rulers of the country have brought with them into power the prejudices and sensibilities of the epoch; under the empire of the prevailing dogma they have deferred to the will of the multitude and, with too much faith in the rights of man, they have had too little in the rights of the magistrate; moreover, through humanity, they have abhorred bloodshed and, unwilling to repress, they have allowed themselves to be repressed. Thus, from the 1st of May, 1789, to 2 June 1793, they have carried on the administration, or legislated, athwart innumerable insurrections, almost all of them going unpunished; while their constitutions, so many unhealthy products of theory and fear, have done no more than transform spontaneous anarchy into legal anarchy. Willfully and through distrust of authority they have undermined the principle of command, reduced the King to the post of a decorative puppet, and almost annihilated the central power: from the top to the bottom of the hierarchy the superior has lost his hold on the inferior, the minister on the departments, the departments on the districts, and the districts on the communes; throughout all branches of the service, the chief, elected on the spot and by his subordinates, has come to depend on them. Thenceforth, each post in which authority is vested is found isolated, dismantled and preyed upon, while, to crown all, the Declaration of Rights, proclaiming "the jurisdiction of constituents over their clerks,"&lt;sup&gt;1&lt;/sup&gt; has invited the assailants to make the assault. On the strength of this a faction arises which ends in becoming an organized band: under its clamorings, its menaces and its pikes, at Paris and in the provinces, at the polls and in the parliament, the majorities are all silenced, while the minorities vote, decree and govern; the Legislative Assembly is purged, the King is dethroned, and the Convention is mutilated. Of all the garrisons of the central citadel, whether royalists, constitutionalists, or Girondists, not one has been able to defend itself, to re-fashion the executive instrument, to draw the sword and use it in the streets: on the first attack, often at the first summons, all have surrendered, and now the citadel, with every other public fortress, is in the hands of the Jacobins.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This time, its occupants are of a different stamp. Aside from the great mass of well-disposed people fond of a quiet life, the Revolution has sifted out and separated from the rest all who are fanatical, brutal or perverse enough to have lost respect for others; these form the new garrison—sectarians blinded by their creed, the roughs (&lt;i&gt;assommeurs&lt;/i&gt;) who are hardened by their calling, and those who make all they can out of their offices. None of this class are scrupulous concerning human life or property; for, as we have seen, they have shaped the theory to suit themselves, and reduced popular sovereignty to their sovereignty. The commonwealth, according to the Jacobin, is his; with him, the commonwealth comprises all private possessions, bodies, estates, souls and consciences; everything belongs to him; the fact of being a Jacobin makes him legitimately czar and pope. Little does he care about the wills of actually living Frenchmen; his mandate does not emanate from a vote; it descends to him from aloft, conferred on him by Truth, by Reason, by Virtue. As he alone is enlightened, and the only patriot, he alone is worthy to take command, while resistance, according to his imperious pride, is criminal. If the majority protests, it is because the majority is imbecile or corrupt; in either case, it merits a check, and a check it shall have. Accordingly, the Jacobin does nothing else from the outset; insurrections, usurpations, pillagings, murders, assaults on individuals, on magistrates, on assemblies, violations of law, attacks on the State, on communities—there is no outrage not committed by him. He has always acted as sovereign instinctively; he was so as a private individual and clubbist; he is not to cease being so, now that he possesses legal authority, and all the more because if he hesitates he knows he is lost; to save himself from the scaffold he has no refuge but in a dictatorship. Such a man, unlike his predecessors, will not allow himself to be turned out; on the contrary, he will exact obedience at any cost. He will not hesitate to restore the central power; he will put back the local wheels that have been detached; he will repair the old forcing-gear; he will set it agoing so as to work more rudely and arbitrarily than ever, with greater contempt for private rights and public liberties than either a Louis XIV or a Napoleon.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;sup&gt;1&lt;/sup&gt;The words of Marat. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Hippolyte Taine, &lt;i&gt;The French Revolution,&lt;/i&gt; trans. John Durand, vol. 3 (New York: Peter Smith, 1931), 2–4.</text>
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                <text>Literary critic and historian, Hippolyte Taine (1828–1893) was lionized by late–nineteenth–century republican France. He emphasized rationalism and mathematical simplicity, being a bitter critic of the ideological abstractions that had occupied France since 1789. He searched for formulas to understand history and human behavior to comprehend France’s humiliation by Prussia in 1870–71 and, here in his study of the French Revolution, he attacked the revolutionaries for their lack of respect for government and for being petty despots.</text>
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                <text>Hippolyte Taine on the French Revolution</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;All men are created equal; they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights; among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This immortal statement was made in the Declaration of Independence of the United States of America in 1776. In a broader sense, this means: All the peoples on the earth are equal from birth, all the peoples have a right to live, to be happy and free.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The Declaration of The French Revolution made in 1791 on the Rights of Man and the Citizen also states: "All men are born free and with equal rights, and must always remain free and have equal rights."&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Those are undeniable truths.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Nevertheless, for more than eighty years, the French imperialists, abusing the standard of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, have violated our Fatherland and oppressed our fellow citizens. The have acted contrary to the ideals of humanity and justice.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In the field of politics, they have deprived our people of every democratic liberty.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;They have enforced inhuman laws; they have set up three distinct political regimes in the North, the Center, and the South of Viet-Nam in order to wreck our national unity and prevent our people from being united.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;They have built more prisons than schools. They have mercilessly slain our patriots; they have drowned our uprisings in rivers of blood.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;They have fettered public opinion; they have practiced obscurantism against our people.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;To weaken our race they have forced us to use opium and alcohol.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In the field of economics, they have fleeced us to the backbone, impoverished our people and devastated our land.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;They have robbed us of our rice fields, our mines, our forests, our raw materials. They have monopolized the issuing of bank notes and the export trade.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;They have invented numerous unjustifiable taxes and reduced people, especially our peasantry, to a state of extreme poverty.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;They have hampered the prospering of our national bourgeoisie, they have mercilessly exploited our workers.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In the autumn of 1940, when the Japanese fascists violated Indochina's territory to establish new bases in their fight against the Allies, the French imperialists went down on their bended knees and handed over our country to them.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Thus, from that date, our people were subjected to the double yoke of the French and the Japanese. Their sufferings and miseries increased. The result was that, from the end of last year to the beginning of this year, from Quang Tri Province to the North of Viet-Nam, more than two million of our fellow citizens died from starvation. 9 March 1945, the French troops were disarmed by the Japanese. The French colonialists either fled or surrendered, showing that not only were they incapable of "protecting" us, but that, in the span five years, they had twice sold our country to the Japanese.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On several occasions before 9 March, the Viet Minh League urged the French to ally themselves with it against the Japanese. Instead of agreeing to this proposal, the French colonialists so intensified their terrorist activities against the Viet Minh members that before fleeing they massacred a great number of our political prisoners detained at Yen Bay and Cao Bang.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Notwithstanding all this, our fellow citizens have always manifested toward the French a tolerant and humane attitude. Even after the Japanese Putsch of March, 1945, the Viet Minh League helped many Frenchmen to cross the frontier, rescued some of them from Japanese jails, and protected French lives and property.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;From the autumn of 1940, our country had in fact ceased to be a French colony and had become a Japanese possession.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;After the Japanese had surrendered to the Allies, our whole people rose to regain our national sovereignty and to found the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The truth is that we have wrested our independence from the Japanese and not from the French.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The French have fled, the Japanese have capitulated, Emperor Bao Dai has abdicated. Our people have broken the chains which for nearly a century have fettered them and have won independence for the Fatherland. Our people at the same time have overthrown the monarchic regime that has reigned supreme for dozens of centuries. In its place has been established the present Democratic Republic.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;For these reasons, we, members of the Provisional Government, representing the whole Vietnamese people, declare that from now on we break off all relations of a colonial character with France; we repeal all the international obligation that France has so far subscribed to on behalf of Viet-Nam, and we abolish all the special rights the French have unlawfully acquired in our Fatherland.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The whole Vietnamese people, animated by a common purpose, are determined to fight to the bitter end against any attempt by the French colonialists to reconquer their country.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;We are convinced that the Allied nations, which at Teheran and San Francisco have acknowledged the principles of self-determination and equality of nations, will not refuse to acknowledge the independence of Viet-Nam.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;A people who have courageously opposed French domination for more than eighty years, a people who have fought side by side with the Allies against the fascists during these last years, such a people must be free and independent.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;For these reasons, we, members of the Provisional Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, solemnly declare to the world that Viet-Nam has the right to be a free and independent country and in fact it is so already. The entire Vietnamese people are determined to mobilize all their physical and mental strength, to sacrifice their lives and property in order to safeguard their independence and liberty. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1945-09-02</text>
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                <text>Ho Chi Minh, &lt;i&gt;On Revolution: Selected Writings, 1920–66&lt;/i&gt;, edited and with an introduction by Bernard B. Fall (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1967), 143–45. Copyright © Dorothy Fall.</text>
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                <text>Ho Chi Minh, the revolutionary name of Nguyen That Thanh (1890–1969), was the leader of the Vietnamese revolution for independence from the French. He was educated in France, where he became a communist. He returned home to fight Japanese occupation during World War II and to lead resistance to the French afterward. He denounced the imperialist deformation of revolutionary principles and explicitly allied himself with the promise of the original French Revolution.</text>
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                <text>Holland and northwest Germany (Hamburg, Breman, etc.) annexed. Now 130 departments in the French Empire.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Damiens, this fourth of Ventôse, Year Two of the Republic&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;My son:&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I write you to let you know that tomorrow, or the day after tomorrow, I will send off a small package of old things for your children. I wanted to have something better; for the moment, I have nothing else. The postage will be paid. As for me, I am not yet doing very well. Good food is unavailable. There is nothing to be had. I was waiting patiently for the first of Ventôse, hoping it would have brought back a little plenty, but nothing. To get four eggs you have to get in a line with six hundred people to wait your turn, and for everything, generally. They say nothing about soap either, except that there will not be any more. All that is taking a long time to come. You have to stay filthy for lack of it.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Our prevot&lt;/i&gt; cousins send best regards. He asks you as soon as you have received [it, a procuration mentioned below] at M. de Verdun's, to send [it] to him. You shouldn't wait to receive [one] for Sagnier and Quiotte. They aren't in need. With them, the death of their mother separates them, but as for those who remain at home, very much in need, there are still three. As I told them, there is a delay concerning the arrest of Verdun. I told them we were in need, as they are; that as soon as you receive [it] at Citizen Verdun's, you would sent it to us.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;She brought me a little cake. I send you a piece. It will be a bit hard, but you can heat it up. About a certificate, August answered. He told me he knew all about it, but that these favors are only for those who can prove they have nothing and that their children provide for their subsistence. Nonetheless, he said that if they were willing to give us one, he would send it to us; but your father says he will not show his face in town because he will be disgraced.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;You will find several books that I am sending back to you. In one you will find a ten-&lt;i&gt;livre&lt;/i&gt; bill. Three livres of this comes from Sophia [for] your &lt;i&gt;pomade&lt;/i&gt; and the money for your bottle. The rest is for your children. This book will be tied up with string. Look out for it. Let me know, I beg you, when you have received it at &lt;i&gt;Citoyenne&lt;/i&gt; Roucoult's address, and don't delay, because I'll be uneasy.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I saw in the paper that someone named Ducroquet was arrested. I'll admit to you that that obsesses me, although I know full well, and I am quite sure, that you are a good patriot. This name, Ducroquet, caught my eye, but I was told that it was a deputy in the assembly. Let me have some news from you. That would give me pleasure, as I think you know. I send you my love, and I am,&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Your mother, Harlay Ducroquet&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Undoubtedly you received the letter and the procuration from Sagnier. Today, Monday, I will put the package in the carriage. It is possible that it will leave tomorrow.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>From &lt;i&gt;Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795, &lt;/i&gt;edited and translated by Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson. Copyright 1979 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press, 252.</text>
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                <text>Madame Ducroquet wrote to her son in the spring of 1794 about the continuing shortage of food. She expressed her worries upon reading that someone with the same name had been arrested; in fact, it was her son, who went to the guillotine only a few weeks later.</text>
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                <text>How a Mother Survives</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;At the same time that it threw off revolution, this Assembly produced civilization. Furnace, but forge too. In this caldron, where terror bubbled, progress fermented. Out of this chaos of shadow, this tumultuous flight of clouds, spread immense rays of light parallel to the eternal laws,—rays that have remained on the horizon, visible forever in the heaven of the peoples, and which are, one, Justice; another, Tolerance; another, Goodness; another, Right; another, Truth; another, Love.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The Convention promulgated this grand axiom: "The liberty of each citizen ends where the liberty of another citizen commences,"—which comprises in two lines all human social law. It declared indigence sacred; it declared infirmity sacred in the blind and the deaf and dumb, who became wards of the State; maternity sacred in the girl-mother, whom it consoled and lifted up; infancy sacred in the orphan, whom it caused to be adopted by the country; innocence sacred in the accused who was acquitted, whom it indemnified. It branded the slave-trade; it abolished slavery. It proclaimed civic joint responsibility. It decreed gratuitous instruction. It organized national education by the normal school of Paris; central schools in the chief towns; primary schools in the communes. It created the academies of music and the museums. It decreed the unity of the Code, the unity of weights and measures, and the unity of calculation by the decimal system. It established the finances of France, and caused public credit to succeed to the long monarchical bankruptcy. It put the telegraph in operation. To old age it gave endowed almshouses; to sickness, purified hospitals; to instruction, the Polytechnic School; to science, the Bureau of Longitudes; to human intellect, the Institute. At the same time that it was national it was cosmopolitan. Of the eleven-thousand two-hundred and ten decrees which emanated from the Convention, a third had a political aim; two-thirds, a human aim. It declared universal morality the basis of society, and universal conscience the basis of law. And all that servitude abolished, fraternity proclaimed, humanity protected, human conscience rectified, the law of work transformed into right, and from onerous made honorable,—national riches consolidated, childhood instructed and raised up, letters and sciences propagated, light illuminating, all heights, aid to all sufferings, promulgation of all principle,—the Convention accomplished, having in its bowels that hydra, the Vendée; and upon its shoulders that heap of tigers, the kings. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Victor Hugo,&lt;i&gt; The Complete Works of Victor Hugo: Ninety-Three, &lt;/i&gt;vol. 1 (London: Hawarden Press, 1890), 197–98.</text>
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                <text>Victor Hugo (1802–85) was an ardent republican and defender of the revolutionary legacy who went into exile during the Second Empire (1852–70). He lived long enough to become an icon of the Third Republic. He portrayed the democratic aspects of the Revolution in glowing, indeed somewhat romanticized terms.</text>
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              <text>&lt;table&gt;&lt;tbody&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Hymne pour la fête des époux, 10 floréal (1798)
&lt;p&gt;Dieu, qui créas nos coeurs,&lt;br /&gt; Tu les as faits sensibles;&lt;br /&gt; Nous te devons l'amour,&lt;br /&gt; Le plus doux des penchants,&lt;br /&gt; Rends par le chaste hymen nos moeurs incorruptibles,&lt;br /&gt; Notre bonheur plus pur, nos devoirs plus touchants.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/td&gt;
&lt;td&gt;Hymn for the Festival of Marriage (1798)
&lt;p&gt;Lord, who created our hearts,&lt;br /&gt; You have made them sensitive;&lt;br /&gt; We owe you the most&lt;br /&gt; Gentle of human love&lt;br /&gt; By our nuptial bond our morals made incorruptible,&lt;br /&gt; Our happiness more pure, our tasks more moving.&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/tbody&gt;&lt;/table&gt;</text>
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                <text>Although festivals drew much smaller audiences during the final years of the Revolution, the government continued to celebrate them. Now, however, they tended to commemorate apolitical events: thus a festival, and hymn, devoted to the subject of marriage.</text>
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              <text>&lt;table&gt;&lt;tbody&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Hymne du 21 janvier.
&lt;p&gt;Les flammes d'Etna sur ses laves antiques&lt;br /&gt; Ne cessent de verser des flots plus dévorants.&lt;br /&gt; Des monstres couronnés, les fureurs despotiques.&lt;br /&gt; Ne cessent d'ajouter aux forfaits des tyrans.&lt;br /&gt; S'il en est qui veulent un maître,&lt;br /&gt; De rois en rois dans l'univers&lt;br /&gt; Qu'ils aillent mendier des fers,&lt;br /&gt; Ces français indignes de l'être,&lt;br /&gt; Ces français indignes de l'étre!&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;td&gt;Hymn of 21 January
&lt;p&gt;Etna's flames of ancient lava&lt;br /&gt; Ceaselessly flow, ever more devouring.&lt;br /&gt; Crowned monsters, despotic furies.&lt;br /&gt; Ceaselessly add to tyrants' hideous crimes.&lt;br /&gt; If some want a master,&lt;br /&gt; In a world from King to king&lt;br /&gt; Let them beg for shackles&lt;br /&gt; Unworthy to be called Frenchmen,&lt;br /&gt; Unworthy to be called Frenchmen!&lt;/p&gt;
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                <text>With lyrics drawn from a &lt;em&gt;Republican Ode &lt;/em&gt;composed by the revolutionary poet Lebrun in 1793, this hymn commemorates the execution of Louis XVI.</text>
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