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              <text>&lt;table&gt;&lt;tbody&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;Hymne du IX Thermidor.
&lt;p&gt;Salut, neuf Thermidor, jour de la délivrance,&lt;br /&gt; Tu vins purifier un sol ensanglanté&lt;br /&gt; Pour la seconde fois&lt;br /&gt; Tu fis luire à la France&lt;br /&gt; Les rayons de la liberté&lt;br /&gt; Deux jours avaient vengé&lt;br /&gt; L'opprobre de nos pères&lt;br /&gt; Mais le sceptre tombé&lt;br /&gt; Des mains du dernier roi&lt;br /&gt; Armail encore les mains des tyrans populaire&lt;br /&gt; Il ne fut brisé que par toi&lt;br /&gt; Il ne fut brisé que par toi.&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;td&gt;Hymn of 9 Thermidor
&lt;p&gt;Welcome, Nine Thermidor, day of delivery,&lt;br /&gt; You have come to purify a bloody land&lt;br /&gt; For the second time&lt;br /&gt; You make France glisten&lt;br /&gt; The rays of Liberty&lt;br /&gt; In two days you have avenged&lt;br /&gt; The disgrace of our fathers&lt;br /&gt; But the scepter fallen&lt;br /&gt; From the hands of the final king&lt;br /&gt; Rearmed the people's tyrants&lt;br /&gt; Only you could destroy him&lt;br /&gt; Only you could destroy him.&lt;/p&gt;
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                <text>This hymn commemorates the overthrow of Robespierre and the Committee of Public Safety by the men of the National Convention. It had its debut performance on the first anniversary of that event (27 July 1795).</text>
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                <text>Cornell Nap.4</text>
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                <text>Where once cartoonists focused on classical images of death to signal the doom of monarchs and aristocrats, they now used these same symbols to drag Napoleon into the netherworld.</text>
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                <text>I Am Called Cerberus but Am Also a Chameleon: Napoleon Being Sucked into Hell</text>
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              <text>J'savois ben qu'jaurions not tour</text>
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              <text>Vive le Roi, Vive la Nation </text>
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                <text>Class solidarity was never universal, as this print celebrates the victory of the peasantry over the nobility and clergy. The two defeated orders, linked together to create a horse, support the peasant who with his newly-won freedom, carries the result of a hunt--an activity not legal for commoners under the Old Regime. The peasant also proclaims, “Vive le roi [the King]. Vive la Nation.” This indicates that this was published early in the Revolution, for by 1792, Louis XVI would no longer be popular.</text>
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                <text>I Was Sure We Would Have Our Turn</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/152/|&lt;span&gt;de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 17 (pièces 2760-2907), Ancien Régime et Révolution&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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              <text>Le peuple aux Tuileries, 20 Juin 1792</text>
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                <text>Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University</text>
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                <text>By the spring of 1792, the Revolution was in crisis on several fronts—in April, war had been declared on the Habsburg Empire, uprisings were taking place in provincial cities, and the Legislative Assembly was increasingly divided over whether to consolidate gains already made or press forward with more changes. On 20 June crowds of people in Paris took matters into their own hands, invading first the Assembly and then the Tuileries Palace, where they forced the King to don a Phrygian cap and drink a toast to the health of the nation.</text>
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                <text>Denis Auguste Marie Raffet</text>
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                <text>Image of the Attack of 20 June 1792</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/174/</text>
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              <text>Le Roi, piochant au Champ de Mars</text>
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                <text>Having lived through a tumultuous year, France’s political leaders, new and old, perceived the need to foster a sense of unity among the people. The King’s more liberal ministers in particular hoped to prevent attempts to roll back the changes made since the spring of 1789 and to limit momentum for farther–reaching challenges to the monarchy. To this end, the Marquis de La Fayette organized a public pageant in Paris to celebrate the "federation" of the different regions and social groups of France. Here Louis XVI joins the construction site where the festival will take place on 14 July 1790.</text>
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              <text>Mardi XI décembre 1792. Louis capet dernier roi des français fut traduit de la tour du Temple á la barre de la Convention Nationale accompagne du Maire, du procureur de la commune, le Députe Valazé qui lui passoit par derriere lui piece par piece pour lui faire reconnoitre.</text>
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                <text>When he was charged, the King could have simply refused to participate on the grounds that the extant Constitution promised his immunity. But this defense, he knew, was useless and he elected to stand on his record. Among his attorneys was the distinguished and able old regime administrator Chrétlen–Guillaume de Malesherbes. Yet in the end, political necessities and the King’s own actions led to the inevitable results: guilty and execution.</text>
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              <text>Depart de Louis XVI le 21 juin 1791, à minuit et demie</text>
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              <text>&lt;span&gt;le roi, sa femme sa fille M.de Elisabeth, M. de de Tourzelle, et un garde du corps portant le Dâuphin, vont rejoindre le fiacre, qui les attend au guichet de Marigny&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>This engraving depicts the King, his wife, and his children meeting at half–past midnight on 21 June 1791, about to board a carriage in which they will flee secretly from Paris toward the border. The King and Queen were poorly disguised as servants to a German noblewoman. Since most French people outside of Paris had never seen the King or Queen in person, they expected to avoid recognition if only they could get clear of the capital and the surrounding towns.</text>
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                <text>Image of the King’s Departure</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/94/|&lt;span&gt;Michel Hennin. &lt;em&gt;Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France&lt;/em&gt;. Tome 125, Pièces 10979-11059, période : 1791&lt;/span&gt;|&lt;span&gt;de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 23 (pièces 3894-4078), Ancien Régime et Révolution&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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              <text>Marie Antoinette d'Autriche au tribunal révolutionnaire</text>
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                <text>The trial of the Queen is here depicted in a tinted engraving by Jean Duplessi–Bertaux as part of his series of Historical Scenes of the French Revolution. Although it refers to her as "Marie Antoinette, the Austrian," the etching portrays her somewhat sympathetically, showing her in a graceful pose with a concerned look on her face amid a hostile prosecutor, judge, and soldiers.</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/141/|&lt;span&gt;Collection de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 33 (pièces 5395-5522), Ancien Régime et Révolution&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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              <text>A la mémoire de Marat L'ami du Peuple, assassiné le 13 Juillet 1793</text>
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                <text>A leading voice on behalf of greater popular participation and social policies that would benefit the poor, the journalist Jean–Paul Marat used his radical newspaper the &lt;em&gt;Friend of the People&lt;/em&gt; to criticize moderation.</text>
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                <text>In Memory of Marat, Friend of the People, Assassinated 13 July, 1793</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/64/</text>
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                <text>1793-1794</text>
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                <text>64</text>
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        <name>The Terror</name>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Our bulletins may form curious materials for history but their value certainly will not depend on the credit due to their details. Bonaparte attached the greatest importance to those documents, generally drawing them up himself, or correcting them, when written by another hand, if the composition did not please him. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; It must be confessed that at that time nothing so much flattered self-love as being mentioned in a bulletin. Bonaparte was well aware of this; he knew that to insert a name in a bulletin was conferring a great honour, and that its exclusion was a severe disappointment. General Berthier, to whom I had expressed a strong desire to examine the works of the seige, took me over them; but, notwithstanding his promise of secrecy, he mentioned the circumstance to the General-in-Chief, who had desired me not to approach the works. “What did you go there for?” said Bonaparte to me, with some severity; “that is not your place.” I replied that Berthier told me that no assault would take place that day; and he believed there would be no sortie, as the garrison had made one the preceding evening. “What matters that? There might have been another. Those who have nothing to do in such places are always the first victims. Let every man mind his own business. Wounded or killed, I would not even have noticed you in the bulletin. You would have been laughed at, and that justly.” &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1889-00-00</text>
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                <text>Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte by Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne edited by R.W. Phipps. Vol. 1 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1889) p. 206-207.</text>
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                <text>In this passage, Bonaparte’s secretary describes the importance and effect of Bonaparte’s propaganda in the form of the military bulletin from an army in the field. Glory and military virtue were emphasized; generals vied to be included.</text>
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                <text>In Search of Glory: Bonaparte’s Bulletins</text>
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