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              <text>&lt;p&gt;11 August 1764&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Sire,&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The magistracy of your kingdom has been continuously resented by those who have undertaken to change the principles of government. At this moment, your &lt;i&gt;parlement &lt;/i&gt;is undergoing cruel proof of this. Brittany has exemptions and immunities which have never been touched, consecrated by the most authentic titles. They form a law similar to the common law of the kingdom, which was peacefully enforced until recently. &lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The administration of Saint Louis [IX], the decisions of the Estates-General at the beginning of the thirteenth century, and the rulings of 1355, 1560, and 1576, allow little doubt that under the common law of France the consent of the three orders in the assembly of the Estates-General is required to establish or prorogate taxes. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Sire, your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt;, trustee of the laws of the kingdom and guardian of the provinceÕs exemptions and freedoms, has not been able to simply watch them come under attack without calling for Your MajestyÕs justice against this abuse of his authority.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Bound by oath to this precious duty, it can not maintain a guilty silence when the law is being broken. In a monarchical state, it is the preservation of the law which guarantees the security of the monarch and his subjects. This form of government, more perfect than all others, assures that a prince like Your Majesty who wishes to reign in accordance with the laws, will receive the obedience and love of his subjects. Quite unlike despots who recognize no other law than that of their own will, Your Majesty has nothing to fear from these resolutions inspired by tyranny. His will is always in harmony with the law that his people have voluntarily received, consequently the peopleÕs will shall always reflect that of his majesty. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;We cannot keep it from you Sire. For a long time now, there has been those working to subjugate a free province of your fortunate realm. The constitution is being undermined and overturned. Everywhere limitations are being placed on the exemptions and freedoms which you yourself enlist us to preserve. The mayors and city representatives to the estates, elected from time immemorial by free vote in the community, can now only be elected with the approval of your commissioners. These commissioners must now also approve the choice, previously made freely by the province, of the men entrusted to distribute and collect the subscribed taxes. Finally, by a surprising order of your council on 12 October 1762, the estates were crushed by destroying their essential and original institution.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;A decision which, though couched in no legal form, discounts all titles and customs, rulings and constitutions, common law and national law. A decision which, without any exemptive clause, contradicts and abrogates the oldest and wisest laws, and cannot but be regarded as having been falsely defended to Your Majesty. Sire, in general such is the administration whose members had the temerity to assure you that the province was satisfied. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1764-08-11</text>
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                <text>A. Le Moy,&lt;i&gt; Remonstrances du Parlement de Bretagne du dix-huitième siècle&lt;/i&gt; (Paris: Champion, 1909) 86Ð&lt;i&gt;95.&lt;/i&gt;</text>
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                <text>Particularly vocal in its resistance to the financial edicts of 1763 was the &lt;i&gt;Parlement&lt;/i&gt; of Rennes, which had jurisdiction in the province of Brittany. A series of "remonstrances," issued by this court between 1763 and 1765, reveal the conflict between the parlementarians and the crown. At first, the magistrates merely protested the proposed new taxes, but when several of them were arrested for defying the King’s orders, the rest argued that they had a collective obligation to protest royal decrees that, in their view, violated the traditional "liberties" of the region. The Breton magistrates later voiced opposition to the crown’s efforts to remove them and in their place seat a new, more docile court. Particularly infuriating to the magistrates were the machinations of the regional governor, the Duke d’Aguillon, who came from a long–standing, aristocratic Breton family, who therefore saw as rivals the "robe" nobles of the &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt;. D’Aguillon tried to discredit Louis René Caradeuc de La Chalotais, the public prosecutor loyal to the &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt;, by accusing him of sending threatening letters to the King. Here we see an effort by the Breton &lt;i&gt;Parlement&lt;/i&gt; to stand up for its rights.</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Parlement&lt;/i&gt; of Brittany</text>
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                <text>August 11, 1764</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Parlement&lt;/i&gt; of Paris demands the "forms of 1614."</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Parlements&lt;/i&gt; reseated.</text>
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                <text>October 1787</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;It really gets under my skin to see a bunch of rascals build castles in the air, sacrifice honor and country, and risk the guillotine in order to become rich. Who is served by this wealth? He who has a lot of gold and houses, does he dine twice? Hell! If we could only read the minds of all the poor devils who have piled &lt;i&gt;sous&lt;/i&gt; upon &lt;i&gt;sous&lt;/i&gt; to fill their coffers; if we understood the stupors of all these misers who skin fleas in order to get their hides, if you could see them always on their guard, always sleeping with one eye open, scared down to the marrow of their bones by the slightest noise, screaming for mercy when they hear judgments being shouted out against some crooks, tearing their hair out when the rich are forced to loosen the purse strings to help their country, burying their gold, dying of fright at the mere sound of the name of the revolutionary army!&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Is there, in the whole world, a worse torture than this? What a damn difference there is between the fate of this pathetic character and that of the honest &lt;i&gt;sans-culotte,&lt;/i&gt; who lives from day to day by the sweat of his brow. As long as he has a four-pound loaf in his bread box and a glass of red wine, he's content. As soon as he wakes up, he's as happy as a lark, and at the end of the day, he takes up his tools and sings his revolutionary song, "La Carmagnole." In the evening, after he has worked hard all day, he goes to his section. When he appears there among his brothers, they don't look at him as if he were a monster, and he doesn't see everyone whispering to each other and pointing their fingers at him like a nobleman or a moderate would.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;They shake his hand, pat him on the shoulder, and ask him how he's doing. He doesn't worry about being denounced; he is never threatened with raids on his house. He holds his head high everywhere he goes.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In the evening, when he enters his hovel, his wife rushes to greet him, his small children hug him, his dog bounds up and licks him. He recounts the news that he heard at the section. He's as happy as a clam when telling about a victory over the Prussians, the Austrians, or the English. He tells how a traitorous general, a follower of Brissot, was guillotined. While telling his children about these scoundrels, he makes them promise to always be good citizens and to love the Republic above all else. Then he eats dinner with a hearty appetite, and after his meal, he entertains his family by reading to them from &lt;i&gt;Le Grande colère du Père Duchesne&lt;/i&gt; [The Great Wrath of Father Duchesne] or &lt;i&gt;La Grande joie du Père Duchesne&lt;/i&gt; [The Great Joy of Father Duchesne].&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;His wife laughs till she's hoarse when listening to him tell about the arguments between his neighbor Jacqueline and the religious zealots whining to the patron saints of the rich. The little rug-rats erupt with joy on hearing the four-letter words I use.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Père Duchesne,&lt;/i&gt; no. 313 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1794), 3–6. Translated by &lt;i&gt;Exploring the French Revolution &lt;/i&gt;project staff from original documents in French found in John Hardman, &lt;i&gt;French Revolution Documents 1792–95&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 2 (New York: Barnes &amp;amp; Noble Books, 1973), 218–19.</text>
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                <text>The&lt;i&gt; sans–culotte &lt;/i&gt;[without the breeches of the wealthy] became the symbol of the committed, patriotic revolutionary everyman. This newspaper article describes the ideal&lt;i&gt; sans–culotte, &lt;/i&gt;emphasizing his industriousness as a handicraft worker, his honesty, his simplicity, his willingness to act directly, and above all his commitment to sacrifice for the Revolutionary cause. This description is from a radical newspaper, "Father Duchesne" was, like the &lt;i&gt;sans–culotte&lt;/i&gt;, a figure drawn from popular culture: a good–hearted, honest–speaking, hard–working stove repairman who would report to his companions in layman’s terms the strange doings of the wealthy he overheard while in their homes to fix stoves, a luxury item in the eighteenth century.</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Père Duchesne&lt;/i&gt; Idealizes the &lt;i&gt;Sans–culottes&lt;/i&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Sans–culotte&lt;/i&gt; insurrection of 12 Germinal against the Convention, demanding bread and the &lt;i&gt;Constitution of 1793&lt;/i&gt;.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;At a time when a new light has come to enlighten minds in all Europe; when the French National Assembly has already destroyed the hydra of feudalism in the kingdom; when it has established the Rights of Man and recognized that &lt;i&gt;God has created all men free; that this liberty should only be hampered by chains that they give themselves voluntarily, to prevent the strongest from making an attempt on the liberty, the life or the property of the weakest;&lt;/i&gt; then slavery should only continue to exist for criminals condemned according to the laws. In consequence liberty ought to be restored to that multitude of unfortunate beings, our brothers though of different color, whom European greed has kidnapped annually for nearly three centuries from the coasts of Africa and condemned to an eternal captivity, hard work, and harsh treatment.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The political interests and property rights that would be infringed if freedom was suddenly restored to the Negroes of our colonies are without doubt great obstacles to fulfilling the wishes that humanity has made in favor of these unfortunate Africans. If the French nation entirely prohibited the Negro slave trade, if it broke at the same time the chains of all those who live in our colonies, that would jolt commerce too violently; that would risk the loss of the plantations in the colonies and the immense shipping that they feed. . . . Moreover, if France alone undertook something similar, it would render itself a tributary of the other nations that possess sugar colonies and which would keep their slaves. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I propose making Negro slavery like the condition of soldiers by providing an enlistment for a definite time at the end of which freedom would be restored to them. It cannot be concealed that the enlistment of a soldier is a veritable slavery, since from the moment that he contracts his engagement until its expiration, he cannot break it without being punished by death; during all this time he is neither master of his time nor of his actions; he is subject, on pain of punishment, to blindly obey the orders of his superiors; he is subjugated to fatigue, danger, to exposing himself often to an almost certain death. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Being able to be kept similarly in slavery only for a limited time, the Negroes will be therefore no more slaves than a soldier: like him they will be obligated to obey during the duration of their enlistment; they will be subjugated to work of another type, it is true, but proportionate to their strength. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;To carry out this proposition, it would be necessary to promulgate a law that would decide: (1) That from such and such an epoch the blacks transported from Africa to our colonies could only be sold on the condition that the inhabitants who bought them would restore their freedom at the end of ten years and give at that time to each Negro a sum sufficient to pay his passage to return to his country. . . . (3) In regard to the Negroes currently enslaved in the colonies, one could divide them into ten classes for every dwelling. One would put into the first class the oldest tenth and the youngest, and the others in proportion to their age in the intermediate classes. At the end of a fixed year freedom would be restored to those of the first class and thus in the same manner as indicated above successively from year to year to those of the other classes. By this means at the end of ten years all the current slaves will have recovered their freedom, except for those who freely took up new enlistments as previously explained. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Nevertheless, if according to the representation of the inhabitants of the colonies, whom it is suitable to consult before ruling on this subject, this sacrifice on their part is judged too great, could not the state accord them a compensation proportionate to the individual value of the blacks to whom freedom would be restored? There are more than 500,000 slaves in our colonies. If the compensation was set at 500 &lt;i&gt;livres&lt;/i&gt;, French money, by head, this would amount to 250 million &lt;i&gt;livres&lt;/i&gt;; that is to say, 25 million a year for ten years.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>The materials listed below appeared originally in &lt;i&gt;The French Revolution and Human Rights: A Brief Documentary History, &lt;/i&gt;translated, edited, and with an introduction by Lynn Hunt (Boston/New York: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1996), 101–103.</text>
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                <text>The passage of the &lt;i&gt;Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen&lt;/i&gt;, explicitly cited in this pamphlet, did not go unnoticed by those who favored abolition of the slave trade and eventual emancipation of the slaves. Yet even the most determined adversaries of slavery worried about the consequences of immediate abolition, especially for the French economy. As a result, advocates of abolition put forward a variety of proposals for gradual emancipation and restructuring of the colonial economies. Their proposals gained little support in the National Assembly, where the planters in the colonies had many supporters.</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;The Abolition of Negro Slavery or Means for Ameliorating Their Lot&lt;/i&gt;, 1789</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Extract of a letter from Cape François, April 15th.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;"Amidst that unremitting fatigue of mind and body that has for many months past fell to my lot, I snatch a moment, to inform you of our situation and prospects. It would seem that the complete revenge of the ancient Carribbs of this island, who were extirpated by the Spaniards, is to fall upon the devoted heads of the French; not for want of ability in them to repel the evil, if united, but from those fatal dissensions which have been so carefully nurtured by the infernal arts of a blood-thirsty aristocracy, and which threaten, nay, have almost accomplished the total ruins of French St. Domingo.—This place is reckoned the strongest in the island and yet do we by no means think ourselves secure from the town's being taken by an attack, if made with vigor, and by 60 or 70,000 brigands, as we are threatened will soon be the case.—In the western districts of the island, every thing wears the most horrid appearance. The troops are in a state of anarchy, and subordination generally at an end, while the wretched remains of Port-au-Prince are surrounded by an enemy, from whom an attack is every moment expected, and from whose mercy (if conquerors) nothing is to be hoped. To give you an account of the various assassinations, murders, tortures, and excesses of almost every kind that have been committed within these few months, would ask a large volume. Vast numbers of opulent people are reduced to a morsel of bread, by the ruin of their plantations, and are going (many of them) almost pennyless into foreign lands for the preservation of an existence which has become altogether precarious here. We are willing to hope that the ocean which surrounds Hispanola will check the extension of the spirit of revolt; for, if it should become general through the islands, it will require almost half Europe to subdue it. As to myself, I will endeavor to leave this once delightful, though now miserable country, in all June; a country which has become alike ungrateful to the sailor and the mechanic, to the merchant and the philosopher—a country,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Where cruel passions the&lt;br /&gt; warm heart infest&lt;br /&gt; And banish pity from the&lt;br /&gt; human breast,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Where hostile ruffians draw&lt;br /&gt; the vengeful blade&lt;br /&gt; And stain with infant gore&lt;br /&gt; the blushing shade!&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;I turn, disgusted, from this&lt;br /&gt; horrid scene&lt;br /&gt; Of tortur'd captives, slaves,&lt;br /&gt; and murder'd men,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;To where the far-fam'd&lt;br /&gt; Pennsylvania strays,&lt;br /&gt; Renown'd for justice, and&lt;br /&gt; for length of days." &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1792-05-16</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;The Pennsylvania Gazette&lt;/i&gt; (Philadelphia), 16 May 1792; available on cd-rom (Accessible Archives: Wilmington, Del., distributed by Scholarly Resources, 1998).</text>
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                <text>Blame now falls, at least according to the author of this letter, on the "blood–thirsty aristocracy," which has created dissensions among the French. The author also expresses alarm at the thought of the revolt spreading to other islands in the Caribbean.</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;The Pennsylvania Gazette&lt;/i&gt;: Blame Now Falls (16 May 1792)</text>
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                <text>May 16, 1792</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;EDENTON, November 9th.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The Governor of South Carolina has issued a proclamation, requiring and ordering all free negroes and people of color, who have arrived there from St. Domingo, or who have arrived within twelve months from any other place, to depart the state in ten days from the date thereof, many characters amongst them being deemed dangerous to the welfare and peace of that state.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;The Pennsylvania Gazette&lt;/i&gt; (Philadelphia), 4 December 1793; available on cd-rom (Accessible Archives: Wilmington, Del., distributed by Scholarly Resources, 1998).</text>
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                <text>Free blacks and mulattos also fled the uprising. Mulattos could own slaves and plantations, and many of them did. Free blacks often manned the militias used to hunt down runaway slaves. Like the white settlers, both groups therefore had reason to flee. But states such as South Carolina feared the consequences of their influence on the state’s own slave population.</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;The Pennsylvania Gazette&lt;/i&gt;: Free blacks and mulattos flee (4 December 1793)</text>
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                <text>December 4, 1793</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Extract of a letter from the master of a vessel at Cape François, to his owners in this city, dated September 18th.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;"I take this opportunity by a brig bound to Philadelphia, to inform you I am still lying here with my cargo on board, as well as all other vessels loaded with American produce. They will neither buy our cargoes, nor let us go out of port. We have not sold 20 barrels of flour since I have been here. The merchants I am consigned to are constantly out fighting the Negroes. This afternoon went out a large body of troops in order to make a general attack to-morrow on the Negro camp, which is from 8 to 10,000 men. When we shall get away from here God only knows. There is no trusting any body for sixpence. No articles of provision will sell. Cash is kept close.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Extract from another letter of the same date.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;"The Negroes are destroying and burning every thing before them. To-morrow an army of two thousand men is to go out to the plains to attack the Negroe camp in our neighborhood.—We hope it will be successful. By keeping watch and patrol, we have prevented the Negroes from attempting any thing against this place. We are secure from any danger at present."&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Extract from another letter of the same date.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;"I dropped you a line, on guard, the other night by Capt. Green. Since which the blacks have continued their ravages; they have burnt and destroyed almost every sugar plantation in that part of the Island. When these devastations will cease, is as uncertain as it was on the first day of the insurrection. A total stagnation of business, and an impossibility of collecting a farthing of specie, are amongst the calamities that attend this barbarous rebellion. Personal safety in the town is not yet endangered; you need therefore be under no apprehension on that score."&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;AUTHENTIC PARTICULARS&lt;br /&gt; Of the late Disturbances at S. Domingo, received from a gentleman at Cape François, in a letter to his friend in this city.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;i&gt;Cape François, Wednesday evening, Aug. 24.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;YESTERDAY morning the Volunteers were all ordered out by order of the Assembly, who convened at an early hour. I was not acquainted with the case till near 9 o'clock, at which time a draft from every company was made, together with a large party of the Cape regiment, to march immediately to the plains, and but a few miles from town, where it seems the Negroes of a number of plantations had rebelled, assembled in a body, and killed the Overseer of one plantation, and a gentleman belonging to this town. In the afternoon reports began to circulate, and the alarm became general. Several thousands of the Negroes had assembled, and committed some ravages by burning several habitations, which they continued doing all last night, in spite of the troops which went out to stop their depredations. Many Negroes were yesterday killed, indeed all that could be met with. This morning a respectable re-inforcement were sent to the body which marched yesterday. I have not yet heard whether the insurrection is quelled—but the damage already sustained is immense. Upwards of 30 habitations are already destroyed. To what length they will carry their rage God knows. To night, no doubt, many more habitations will be destroyed. A gentleman living within a few doors of us was this morning brought in dead. Planters, with their wives and children, are every minute arriving, who bring accounts of continued distress and destruction.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The cause of this dreadful insurrection I dare not conjecture; but it is said, the tyranny of some of the Overseers is not the least of the causes. A plot to burn the town and the shipping in the road, has been discovered, and which was to have been attempted the night before last. Many will be the sacrifices before the business ends, and doubtless the conspirators of so infernal a piece of work, will soon meet their just reward. Some are taken up on suspicion of supplying the incendiaries with the means, and some have been caught in attempting to execute the infernal project.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Nothing has been done in town these two days, but keeping the volunteers and militia in arms, and every store and ship is obliged to be kept shut. In fine, all is fear, suspicion, jealousy! and every one has an interest in watching even the looks of the people of color.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Sunday, 28 August.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Since writing the foregoing, numerous have been the most cruel murders and massacres,—and numberless plantations, with the buildings and crops, destroyed by fire.—From the quay is an extensive view of a vast plain, bounded by a ridge of mountains, about 8 or 10 miles distant. The length of the plain I have not ascertained, but it may be about 30 miles. No longer than Monday last, this great space was filled with beautiful villas, elegant places, and nearly the whole covered with sugar cane; the greatest part of which are now laying in ashes. Almost the whole is destroyed!—If the infernal devils were content with this destruction, it would be happy for the Colonists; but they add the cruelty of savages to their incendiary conduct, inhumanly murdering all the whites they catch, sparing neither age nor sex.—I cannot enter into particulars; it would take more time than I have to spare.—Suffice it to say, that our troops are not able to check the ferocity of the Blacks, who are continually increasing in numbers. As many as 5,000 are assembled in a body, about 6 miles from town, and now and then the artillery has a chance to throw a few shot among them. Upwards of a thousand have already been killed on different plantations, and in different manners. If any are taken, they are commonly put to death on the spot.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Since the commencement of the insurrection great numbers have been brought prisoners to town, a few Mullatoes, and the rest Negroes. If the prisoners did not walk so fast as their guard, they would be pricked with bayonets to quicken their pace. In a few instances the prisoners have been killed in the streets, not being able to avoid the rage of the people, which follows a prisoner till he ceases to live. Yesterday a shocking massacre of about fifty black prisoners was acted at the Champ-de-Mars. They were brought to town and ordered to be executed immediately at that place. They came to town in four or five parties, at different times of the day. Among them were some women, who, with the rest, were either shot, or cut to pieces with sabers. Indeed, my friend, I do not know where to stop in this horrible description! And I mention these particulars just to give you an idea of this war or horror and carnage in which we are engaged!&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The villages of Limbe and Port-Margot, situated on the other side of the mountains, at the back of the town, are burned, and all the inhabitants who could get off with their lives, are arrived here. Alas! To see beautiful girls, lovely women, with their children and infants, traveling the streets without a shoe to their feet, just escaped from the flames of their dwelling! 'Tis too much!' And yet I have seen all this and more, if it were necessary to mention.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Sunday morning, September 11th.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The embargo, which was laid on all vessels at the commencement of our troubles, is taken off the Americans, and they may sail when they please. In consequence, I take the opportunity of sending this letter by Capt. Watson, who will sail on Tuesday for Philadelphia.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I shall close my account of the insurrection with a few particular transactions which have occurred the week past. Two white men, and a number of blacks have been hung, some blacks shot, and many who have been brought to town will share the same fate. On Thursday 5 white men were brought to town from Gonaives, who had been detected there spreading false alarms, with intention to plunder. Eight others, on Friday were brought in, caught in the same business; and yesterday two more were taken among the negroes, who had been assisting them in burning some habitations the night before. The punishment of these whites will, no doubt, be severe, if found guilty upon evidence.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Friday in the evening we had a heavy rain, and the Negroes, taking advantage of this circumstance, made an attempt to cross the bridge at Haut-du-Cap, where our army is encamped, but were repulsed with fixed bayonets, the troops not being able to fire because of the rain. In the morning about 20 were found dead on the spot where the action happened.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Since the beginning of the insurrection, all the American Captains have enrolled themselves and do duty every night upon the bay. Four Captains at a time and generally one man from every vessel form a respectable &lt;i&gt;corps-de-garde&lt;/i&gt;. On Friday night last the Governor sent a very polite letter to the Commander of the American Guard, while on duty, with a request that 12 men might be spared to man a schooner for an expedition in the morning (yesterday) to L'Acul, with intention to bring off some cannon and stores deposited there, and which it was feared would fall into the hands of the Negroes. The request was granted, and the number immediately obtained from the guard then on duty, with Capt. Lillibridge as the officer. In the morning they sailed, in company with a sloop of war. They have not yet returned; and it was reported in the evening that the Negroes had got two 24 pounders mounted, which kept playing upon the sloop, and prevented their effecting the object of the expedition. I mention this only as a report; I will not assert it.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;We are every day expecting succors from Jamaica. The letters of our Assembly to the Governor and Assembly of that island, requesting a supply of troops, are published in some of the papers which I send you.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;At present our fears for the safety of the towns are subsided, and every exertion making to quell the insurrection, and for putting a stop to the depredations of the blacks. The volunteers have been continually upon duty, who go to the camp in rotation, and are relieved every two or three days from those in town. In general they are very much harassed by the intense heat. The free Mulattoes and Negroes are all armed by the government, and in many instances have behaved bravely against the Negroes.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In the situation of affairs at present, it is next to impossible to tell when the troubles will end. The Negroes keep themselves embodied in different places, and when attacked, they immediately fly and scatter. This method of theirs harrasses our troops in such a manner that, without effecting any thing essential, they get quite worn out, and are obliged to be immediately relieved. In fine, if I may be allowed to hazard a conjecture, it appears, that several months will elapse before the insurrection will be quelled, and it will require years to reinstate this part of the colony in the flourishing situation that it was in 3 weeks ago.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Letter from the President of the General Assembly, to the Members of the General Assembly of Jamaica.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;i&gt;Cape François, 24 August 1791.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;GENTLEMEN,&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;"The measure of the misfortunes of St. Domingo is filled: In a short time this delightful country will be but a heap of ashes. Already the Planters have bedewed with their blood the land which they had fertilized with the sweat of their brow: at this moment, the flames are consuming those productions, which were the glory of the French empire. Principles, destructive of our property, have kindled a flame amongst us, and armed the hands of our own slaves. Philosophy, which is the consolation of mankind, has reduced us to despair.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;"Bereft of assistance, and reduced to the last extremity, St. Domingo looks for friends and protectors in all her neighbors. We will not remind you of your interest, that is exposed to danger from the spirit of philosophy, which is the cause of our misfortunes, and which, being equally inimical to your system, would plunge you into the same misfortunes, if the crime were once completed, without hope of reparation. We will only call upon that generosity, which is the distinguishing characteristic of your nation.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;"We freely call upon you for assistance; and we do it with confidence.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;"Inspired with these sentiments, the General Assembly of the French port of St. Domingo have determined to depute Mr. Bugnet, one of their Members, to present you our request.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;"1. He will present to you our constitutional act, which establishes our legal character of Representatives of the people of St. Domingo.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;"2. His nomination.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;"3. The proclamation for soliciting assistance from all the neighboring powers.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;"I have the honor to be, with the most cordial and brotherly affection, gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant,&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;(Signed) &lt;/i&gt;P. de CADUSCH, &lt;i&gt;President."&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1791-10-12</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;The Pennsylvania Gazette&lt;/i&gt; (Philadelphia), 12 October 1791; available on cd-rom (Accessible Archives: Wilmington, Del., distributed by Scholarly Resources, 1998).</text>
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                <text>The magnitude of the insurrection quickly became clear as alarmed observers related that considerable armies were being raised to fight the rebels. It is noteworthy that such reports even to northern U.S. newspapers expressed little sympathy for the rebels.</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;The Pennsylvania Gazette&lt;/i&gt;: Magnitude of the Insurrection (12 October 1791)</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/567/</text>
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                <text>October 12, 1791</text>
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