52 10 1079 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document The Salic law, written and reformed under Clovis, had as its subject the overall policing of the State. It was written in parlement and in concert with the Frankish people, and the preamble of the law mentions that "Clovis agreed with the Franks to add several amendments to the Salic law," [Clodoveus unà cum Francis pertractavit, ui ad titulos aliquid ampliùs adderet]. This agreement thus became known as the "Conventions of Salic Law" [pactus Legis Salicoe]. . . . [In these edicts] one finds our fundamental maxim: that no edict has the force of law in the kingdom until it has been examined and registered in parlement since it is the custom of France, as Louis XI himself said, and whatever laws are not published in that way will have no value. It is again evident that our kings took great care in their laws and edicts to make it clear that everyone had been involved in the deliberations and that there had been consensus: We assembled, from all stations in life, have decided; it is the resolution of the King, the Princes, and the People. The combination of royal authority, together with the consideration and free consent of parlement, gave power to the edict that no force could break. Consequently, the Prince had unshakable proof that his commands were just, and the People knew that the obedience required of them was reasonable. The Monarch was reassured that he himself had not erred, or that a favorite counselor, himself possibly mistaken, had not misled him, and the People were reassured that they had only fair laws to obey. It was, in brief, mutual assurance—reciprocal confidence that bound the Prince and his subjects. As I have already mentioned, if under the second Race [dynasty] it was no longer possible to seek everyone's approval, in that not everyone was [represented] in Parlement this constitutive law of the Monarchy become no less solid because it continued to require the approval of all the members of the parlement. Besides, the deliberation of all Frenchmen was presumed by the deliberation of their representatives. Charlemagne, that greatest and most powerful of all our kings, was himself so aware of the importance of this general approval by the People and of the mutual confidence that resulted from equitable laws, that, in a remarkable arrangement, he worked in concert with his Parlement on laws so that it would be known that he had received universal approval. He ordered that the People's opinion be polled, no doubt each in his own jurisdiction, and that if they consented to the newly amended law, each private individual put his mark or seal upon it. [Ut populus interrogetur de capitulis quoe in Lege noviter addita sunt, & postquam omnes consenserint, suscriptiones vel manu firmationes suas in ipfis capitulis faciant.] This order was inserted into the Salic law itself, where it can still be read; and Charles the Bald made sure to renew its authorization by having it inserted into the preface that he wrote for it. But this arrangement became impractical, and those making up parlement in succeeding periods, in this respect, became entirely the representatives of past General Assemblies. It is in their collectivity that the fundamental law is concentrated, established by those same royal edicts which, during every period of monarchical rule, required the opinion and the approval of parlement as an essential condition. They would refuse the title of Public Law to any edicts that they had not verified nor agreed to register. The end result is that in our new Government the parlement's consent continued to be as totally free as it was in the earliest parlements. . . . On the important point [of usurping the parlement's power], the King's laws [must] conform with the conscience, and in all cases he must be forbidden from doing otherwise. Consequently we should not think that the consent of parlement and the required registration of national law was ever merely a simple formality or empty ritual. In all periods, it has been a serious examination, an act of persuasion and of conscience which always required full and complete freedom. This right [of approval by the parlement] was born at the same time as the Monarchy and seemed to our kings to be so wise, so proper, that it made their thrones unshakable. By preventing all unjust use of their authority, when colonizing the Gauls, not only did the kings maintain the parlement's role as essential, the keystone upon which the rest depended, but they, in fact, commanded it. The kings themselves enjoined parlement to refuse them, even ordering that they be resisted if need be, and to pay no heed to any order contrary to Justice and the Law. And so, Sir, the parlement obeyed in appearing disobedient, since in their defiance, they were carrying out the orders of the kings themselves, and in disobeying they were fulfilling the law that he had ordered: that is . . . to disobey. Besides, the parlement said to Henry IV: "If it is disobedience to serve well, the parlement commits this misdeed regularly. When conflict exists between the absolute power of the King and the good of his service, [the parlement] judges one to be preferable to the other, not through disobedience but because it is the duty of parlement to discharge its office according to its conscience." Thus, when you ask me what the parlement's authority consisted of previously on the question of Edicts and the law, and what it consists of today, the answer is easy. It is today, Sire, all that it was in Clovis's time. Today, as then, the parlement's authority is but to do its duty in an unassailable way and to never do anything, nor register anything, contrary to the Law of the Kingdom and which is not in the true interest of the Monarch and the Monarchy, lest it receive a warning from its conscience. Parlement must know how to courageously say: "SIRE, that is not just, you cannot do that, nor should you." Sortable Date 1753-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Louis-Adrien Le Paige, Lettres historiques sur les fonctions essentielles du Parlement (Amsterdam, 1753), 82–83, 87–93, 96–97. Description An account of the resource Louis–Adrien Le Paige was the leading theoretician of Parlementary claims against the crown in the 1750s. His Historical Letters on the Essential Functions of the Parlement (1753) traced the history of the parlements from what he claimed to be their medieval origins—assemblies held by Frankish warriors to elect kings. Criticizing what he perceived to be the inadequate attention being paid by Louis XV to his parlements, Le Paige makes the historical case that far from being creations of the crown to which they remained subordinate, the parlements had actually created the monarchy—and thus should have the final say on all royal decrees. In this passage, Le Paige argues that because of this history, the parlements were not being "disobedient" to the King in asserting their sovereignty. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 248 Title A name given to the resource Legislation and Public Police Powers (1753) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/248/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1753 Enlightenment Laws Monarchy Nobility Public Opinion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document This body met from 1 October 1791 to 20 September 1792. The deputies were chosen via indirect election and had to face continuing popular unrest and the fact that the executive—Louis XVI—could not be trusted. Since the King appointed ministers and exercised a suspensive veto regularly, the government was often deadlocked, swinging hazardously between dismissed ministers and vetoed initiatives, a fact that added an important impetus to the club movement. The assembly and the King ultimately shared only a desire to go to war with Austria and Prussia, although for different reasons. The assembly wanted to punish monarchs for their support of counterrevolutionaries. Louis XVI was hoping for a war that would enhance his position, either by destroying the Revolution or by showing his skill as commander in chief. War was declaredin March 1792. The continuing obstructions of the King led to the insurrection of 10 August and the overthrow of the monarchy. The Legislative Assembly then called for new elections and voted to disband, leaving a rump of newly appointed ministers to run the war and the government. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 1096 Title A name given to the resource Legislative Assembly Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/1096/ Glossary Event A non-persistent, time-based occurrence. Metadata for an event provides descriptive information that is the basis for discovery of the purpose, location, duration, and responsible agents associated with an event. Examples include an exhibition, webcast, conference, workshop, open day, performance, battle, trial, wedding, tea party, conflagration. Sortable Date 1799-11-09 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 960 Title A name given to the resource Legislative councils transferred to Saint–Cloud. Sieyès, Ducos, and Barras resign. Bonaparte appointed commander of the army in Paris. Coup d’état of 18 Brumaire Year VIII supported. The Executive Directory and the two legislative councils are overthrown. Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/960/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 9, 1799 Timeline Event A non-persistent, time-based occurrence. Metadata for an event provides descriptive information that is the basis for discovery of the purpose, location, duration, and responsible agents associated with an event. Examples include an exhibition, webcast, conference, workshop, open day, performance, battle, trial, wedding, tea party, conflagration. Sortable Date 1792-09-20 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 926 Title A name given to the resource Legislature legalizes divorce. Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/926/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September 20, 1792 Timeline Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document History does not repeat itself. However much one may compare the Russian Revolution with the Great French Revolution, the former can never be transformed into a repetition of the latter. The 19th century has not passed in vain. Jacobinism is now a term of reproach on the lips of all liberal wiseacres. Bourgeois hatred of revolution, its hatred towards the masses, hatred of the force and grandeur of the history that is made in the streets, is concentrated in one cry of indignation and fear—Jacobinism! We, the world army of Communism, have long ago made our historical reckoning with Jacobinism. The whole of the present international proletarian movement was formed and grew strong in the struggle against the traditions of Jacobinism. We subjected its theories to criticism, we exposed its historical limitations, its social contradictoriness, its utopianism, we exposed its phraseology, and broke with its traditions, which for decades had been regarded as the sacred heritage of the revolution. But we defend Jacobinism against the attacks, the calumny, and the stupid vituperations of anemic, phlegmatic liberalism. The bourgeoisie has shamefully betrayed all the traditions of its historical youth, and its present hirelings dishonor the graves of its ancestors and scoff at the ashes of their ideals. The proletariat has taken the honor of the revolutionary past of the bourgeoisie under its protection. The proletariat, however radically it may have, in practice, broken with the revolutionary traditions of the bourgeoisie, nevertheless preserves them, as a sacred heritage of great passions, heroism and initiative, and its heart beats in sympathy with the speeches and acts of the Jacobin Convention. What gave liberalism its charm if not the traditions of the Great French Revolution? At what other period did bourgeois democracy rise to such a height and kindle such a great flame in the hearts of the people as during the period of the Jacobin, sans-culotte, terrorist, Robespierrian democracy of 1793? What else but Jacobinism made and still makes it possible for French bourgeois-radicalism of various shades to keep the overwhelming majority of the people and even the proletariat under its influence at a time when bourgeois radicalism in Germany and Austria has closed its brief history in deeds of pettiness and shame? What is it if not the charm of Jacobinism, with its abstract political ideology, its cult of the Sacred Republic, its triumphant declarations, that even now nourishes French radicals and radical socialists like Clemenceau, Millerand, Briand and Bourgeois, and all those politicians who know how to defend the mainstays of bourgeois society no worse than the dull-witted Junkers of Wilhelm II by the Grace of God? They are envied hopelessly by the bourgeois democrats of other countries; and yet they shower calumnies upon the source of their political advantage—heroic Jacobinism. Even after many hopes had been destroyed, Jacobinism remained in the memory of the people as a tradition. For a long time the proletariat spoke of its future in the language of the past. In 1840, almost half a century after the government of the "Mountain," eight years before the June days of 1848, Heine visited several workshops in the faubourg of Saint-Marceau and saw what the workers, "the soundest section of the lower classes," were reading. "I found there," he wrote to a German newspaper, "several new speeches by old Robespierre and also pamphlets by Marat issued in two-sous editions; Cabet's History of the Revolution; the malignant lampoons of Carmenen; the works of Buonarroti, The Teachings and Conspiracy of Babeuf, all productions reeking with blood. . . . As one of the fruits of this seed," prophesies the poet, "sooner or later a republic will threaten to spring up in France." In 1848 the bourgeoisie was already unable to play a comparable role. It did not want and was not able to undertake the revolutionary liquidation of the social system that stood in its path to power. We know now why that was so. Its aim was—and of this it was perfectly conscious—to introduce into the old system the necessary guarantees, not for its political domination, but merely for a sharing of power with the forces of the past. It was meanly wise through the experience of the French bourgeoisie, corrupted by its treachery and frightened by its failures. It not only failed to lead the masses in storming the old order, but placed its back against this order so as to repulse the masses who were pressing it forward. The French bourgeoisie succeeded in bringing off its Great Revolution. Its consciousness was the consciousness of society and nothing could become established as an institution without first passing through its consciousness as an aim, as a problem of political creation. It often resorted to theatrical poses in order to hide from itself the limitations of its own bourgeois world but it marched forward. The National Convention, as an organ of the Jacobin dictatorship, was by no means composed of Jacobins alone. More than that—the Jacobins were in a minority in it; but the influence of the sans-culottes outside the walls of the Convention, and the need for a determined policy in order to save the country, gave power into the hands of the Jacobins. Thus, while the Convention was formally a national representation, consisting of Jacobins, Girondins, and the vast wavering center known as the "marsh" [Plain], in essence it was a dictatorship of the Jacobins. When we speak of a workers' government we have in view a government in which the working-class representatives dominate and lead. The proletariat, in order to consolidate its power, cannot but widen the base of the revolution. Many sections of the working masses, particularly in the countryside, will be drawn into the revolution and become politically organized only after the advance-guard of the revolution, the urban proletariat, stands at the helm of state. Revolutionary agitation and organization will then be conducted with the help of state resources. The legislative power itself will become a powerful instrument for revolutionizing the masses. The nature of our social-historical relations, which lays the whole burden of the bourgeois revolution upon the shoulders of the proletariat, will not only create tremendous difficulties for the workers' government but, in the first period of its existence at any rate, will also give it invaluable advantages. This will affect the relations between the proletariat and the peasantry. In the revolutions of 1789–93 and 1848 power first of all passed from absolutism to the moderate elements of the bourgeoisie, and it was the latter class which emancipated the peasantry (how, is another matter) before revolutionary democracy received or was even preparing to receive power. The emancipated peasantry lost all interest in the political stunts of the "townspeople," that is, in the further progress of the revolution, and placing itself like a heavy foundation-stone at the foot of order, betrayed the revolution to the Caesarist or old-regime absolutist reaction. The Russian revolution does not, and for a long time will not, permit the establishment of any kind of bourgeois-constitutional order that might solve the most elementary problems of democracy. All the "enlightened" efforts of reformer—bureaucrats like Witte and Stolypin are nullified by their own struggle for existence. Consequently, the fate of the most elementary revolutionary interests of the peasantry—even the peasantry as a whole, as an estate, is bound up with the fate of entire revolution, that is, with the fate of the proletariat. The proletariat in power will stand before the peasants as the class which has emancipated it. The domination of the proletariat will mean not only democratic equality, free self-government, the transference of the whole burden of taxation to the rich classes, the dissolution of the standing army in the armed people and the abolition of compulsory church imposts, but also recognition of all revolutionary changes (expropriations) in land relationships carried out by the peasants. The proletariat will make these changes the starting-point for further state measures in agriculture. Sortable Date 1919-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Leon Trotsky, The Permanent Revolution and Results and Prospects (New York: Merit, 1969), 52, 54–56, 70–71. Description An account of the resource Leon Trotsky (1879–1940), whose original name was Lev Davidovich Bronstein, was one of the chief figures in the Russian Revolution of 1917. After years spent in exile agitating in favor of Russian communism, he put his ideas into practice as one of the leaders of the Bolshevik Revolution. After falling out with Stalin, he was expelled from the Russian Communist Party in 1927 and forced into exile once again. There he wrote prolifically about the meaning of the Russian—and French—revolutions. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 561 Title A name given to the resource Leon Trotsky, The Permanent Revolution Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/561/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1919 Economic Conditions Europe in Revolution Popular Politics Public Opinion Text The Terror Event A non-persistent, time-based occurrence. Metadata for an event provides descriptive information that is the basis for discovery of the purpose, location, duration, and responsible agents associated with an event. Examples include an exhibition, webcast, conference, workshop, open day, performance, battle, trial, wedding, tea party, conflagration. Sortable Date 1791-07-10 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 781 Title A name given to the resource Leopold II’s Padua Circular. Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/781/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July 10, 1791 Timeline Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Yes sir, no matter how big our misfortunes may have been, I dread that bigger are yet to come. When I think about everything that is happening to us, it could be said that it has been happening against nature . . . everything that should put a stop to our ills, in fact only makes them worse. First of all, what is really the true source of the problems that beset us? Is it not solely a stubbornness, a spurious point of honor, a spirit of domination and independence found in the bishops and clerics? They, who by their very nature should set an example of the opposite virtues? I have not avoided putting myself at risk to show that the pretext of religion, which they use to cover themselves, is nothing but a mask. I know that you were never fooled by it, and that now no one is fooled anymore. . . . If our bishops had thought for one instant about the uselessness of these bulls [such as Unigenitus] . . . or about the atrocious damage that they cause their clergies and parishes, they would have been the most ardent defenders of this law that condemned them to eternal oblivion. But the true authors of these fateful decrees, and the only people with an interest in maintaining them, knew how to convince our prelates that, after the commitments that they had made, the law that spelled the doom of these decrees was also, inevitably, the same that bestowed their honor and their authority. That is how they came to finally hatch the secret plot of a powerful league against the most important monument of our monarch's wisdom. Monsieur de Beaumont [Archbishop of Paris], so worthy in every respect of being in charge, on 29 September gave Conflans the first sign of combat by publishing a mandate which, in religious language, offers merely senseless lies, and spirit of division, independence and rebellion. Immediately thereafter, the flames of discord ignited from all corners, and the Vicars of Jesus Christ's charity and gentleness no longer preach the gospel of peace, but rather pronounce the manifesto of an internecine war between Church and State from the altar. Who would have believed that the goodness of the King, tired of the rebels' stubbornness, would finally allow his justice free reign; who would have believed that in his wisdom, convinced by experience that impunity or past ways only serve to make the guilty more audacious, he would decide that no another means remained to extinguish the fire that threatened the State and the throne itself but to deliver them up to the severity and convention of law? However (posterity will have trouble believing this), one witnesses his religion at the point of using his absolute authority to arrest the Magistrates as soon as they want to take the first step, to grant pardons to criminals who, far from asking for it and repenting, loudly declare that they are determined to add to their past crimes. Sortable Date 1757-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Anonymous, Pièces originales et procédures du procès, fait à Robert-François Damiens (Paris: Pierre Guillaume Simon, 1757). Description An account of the resource This pamphlet was one of the many published in France in response to the news of Damiens’s attack on the King. It is written from the standpoint of the so–called patriot party, which opposed the concentration of power in the hands of the King, the royal advisers at court (mostly aristocrats), and the bishops of the church (mostly Jesuits). Patriots instead supported the parlements and the lower clergy as more morally suited to represent the interests of all three orders that composed the French "nation." Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 239 Title A name given to the resource Letter from a Patriot Claiming to Prove Damiens Had Accomplices Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/239/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1757 Monarchy Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document You send me alarming news from our sugar islands, principally from Saint Domingue. The inhabitants of that island may all be currently being held at knife point by the Negroes in revolt. Perverse men abuse the purity of your intentions, criminally interpreting the decrees of the National Assembly and making their treacherous plans undo what humanity and liberty have done for the happiness of its citizens in another hemisphere. In the name of this humanity, of which you are a worthy apostle, and in the name of the homeland that counts you among it best citizens, I beg you sir, add your voice to the cries of pain of all the Haitians of our islands, of the colonial land-owners living in France, and of the uncountable mass of Frenchmen who live off the commerce of the colonies. Consider that these colonies are France's destiny. Consider the sixty million [francs] profit from their exports each year, and the enormous importance of the income already lost. Consider that their capital of three billion [francs] is the sacred property of their owners, and that this capital is the security against the four-hundred million [francs] that they owe continental France. Consider that six million men live there along with eighty-thousand Frenchmen, and that half of France would be plunged into sadness and misery [if the islands were lost]. Our eternal rival [Britain], whose ambitious policies may be having them underhandedly sharpen their swords, smile at our misfortunes and, beneath this horrible rubble, foresee the scepter of their world-wide domination that no human force would be able to take from them. We must not wait Sir, for verified reports to confirm our misfortunes. By the time the first spark will have reached us, the fire will have consumed everything. Five hundred leagues away, doubt is more awful than certainty. There are no words to gauge the horrified imagination and public terror that lead the best minds astray. The suspension of all work and a long delay in the contribution of a fortune so uncertain, are but a faint sketch of the ills that are easier felt than expressed. Let us meet then Sir, to beg the National Assembly to protect the life and property of the French, and by a solemn decree arm the executive power with the fullness of the force, enjoin them to make sure that the Colonies are not damaged in the least. Signed, Monseron de l'Aunay. Sortable Date 1789-12-24 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Supplement to the Journal of Paris, vol. 362 (28 December 1789). Description An account of the resource This letter appears in the Journal of Paris as part of a debate over a performance of a play by Olympe de Gouges, the noted feminist, that concerns the abolition of the slave trade. The letter is written by a deputy of the Chamber of Commerce of the port city of Nantes, which had close ties to the Caribbean economy. He would like to protect French interests against potential British incursion. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 609 Title A name given to the resource Letter from Monseron de l’Aunay to the Marquis de Condorcet, President of the Society of Friends of the Blacks (24 December 1789) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/609/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 24, 1789 Public Opinion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Sir, I seek to enlighten you about a threat that you would have regretted not having foreseen. Blood is about to flow, everything is ready, and if the ministry waits any longer, it will not be a few regiments that you will have to send this way, but an army. . . . Arles is in a complete state of counterrevolution. The city is dug in. They have seized some cannons and rifles that the ministry left for them. Patriots are treated cruelly, and already seven to eight hundred of them have left. They have a rally button there that the men are wearing on their lapels, and the women are wearing as rings. I just saw an example of one. The more foolhardy among them are wearing a white cockade, but the mayor said that it was not yet time to wear it. They have chased away those priests who took the oath and reinstalled those who had refused. The patriots dare not either complain or write to their friends, lest they be hung. They are recruiting people from the surrounding areas and have sent emissaries to Jallès, where they were told that money would not be a problem. They are equipped with boats so that they can have access to the sea, but we should not spring into action unless war is declared. . . . Additionally, Aigues-Mortes, which chased away its priest, is in a difficult mood. They refused to accept the frontier guards whose vigilance they feared, and everything points to the idea that they hoped to receive help from the sea. They also rallied partisans from the towns along the Rhône in order to make a connection between the sea and Avignon, a town that we have been rambling on too much about. . . . You will receive well-worded denials and well-acted protestations of how attached to France they are, but it is Italian powder that is blinding us, until the time comes when we explode. And if you notice, Sir, that these plans have existed and spread in the Midi for two years, and if you also notice that Spain is our most bitter enemy and that there is nothing easier for her to do than to give aid to the rebels by means of coastal boats, this matter will seem to you, I hope, worthy of your attention. Sortable Date 1791-02-27 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived La Révolution française, 105 vols. (Paris, 1881–1934), 35:270–73. Translated by Exploring the French Revolution project staff from original documents in French found in J.M. Roberts, French Revolution Documents, vol. 1 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1966), 388–91. Description An account of the resource In this document, Jean–Paul Rabaut de Saint–Étienne, a Protestant pastor from Nîmes who had been a deputy to the National Assembly and who would later be elected to the National Convention, warns the central government of the ongoing violence in the Midi and the role of refractory priests and religious issues in that violence. Throughout southern France, revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries were involved in a struggle for power within the municipalities and more broadly. Rabaut de Saint–Étienne fears what would happen to the Revolution and by implication its supporters if, with help from abroad, counterrevolutionaries should seize control of the region. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 549 Title A name given to the resource Letter from Rabaut de Saint–Étienne to the Minister of the Interior (27 February 1791) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/549/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource February 27, 1791 Economic Conditions Middle Classes – Bourgeoisie Provinces Text https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/cd830df4f421f1d0b3426eeabc8ea6c1.jpg 6ff03cdc461fe7932db14689ccf47499 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Engraving Physical Dimensions The actual physical size of the original image 33 x 24.5 cm Title (French) The image's title, in French. La Liberté Sortable Date 1793-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Bibliothèque Nationale de France Description An account of the resource Even before the Revolution, the French had used a woman in a toga to symbolize liberty. By July 1789 this symbol had become quite common and would only grow more familiar over the revolutionary decade. Generally the female Liberty was a poised counterpart to the frantic actions of the Revolution. She represented calm like a saint. Belonging to no group and no particular place, she stood for a universal principle based on reason. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Madame de Monchy (engraver) Louis-Simon Boizot (designer) Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Public Domain Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPEG Language A language of the resource French Title A name given to the resource Liberty Relation A related resource http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/4/|Collection de Vinck. Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870. Vol. 44 (pièces 5943-6108), Ancien Régime et Révolution Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1793-1794 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 4 Clubs Enlightenment Image Popular Politics Women