59 10 1079 https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/fa7811dcd3d72e8e57585af4b6f49e03.jpg 411d310ad279de691b5d7913b047e577 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Engraving Physical Dimensions The actual physical size of the original image 15.5 x 10 cm Title (French) The image's title, in French. Carmes du Luxembourg ; Hotel de la Force: Massacre des Prêtres Sortable Date 1792-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Bibliothèque Nationale de France Description An account of the resource This image, also reproduced from the newspaper R*volutions de Paris, shows crowds massacring refractory clergy and prisoners. The panels depict the former convent of the Carmelites (where 163 were killed) and the prison known as the Force, which had formerly been used to incarcerate prostitutes, where approximately 300 defrocked clergy were executed. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource None Identified Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Public Domain Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPEG Language A language of the resource French Title A name given to the resource Massacre of the Priests Relation A related resource http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/101/|Michel Hennin. Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France. Tome 128, Pièces 11231-11307, période : 1792|Extract From: Révolutions de France et de Brabant, et des royaumes qui, demandant une Assemblée nationale, et arborant la cocarde, mériteront une place dans ces fastes de la liberté Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1792 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 101 Image Popular Politics Religion The Terror https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/aaa52d1469594dc5e61686c3733f1d8e.jpg d903526a067f04cfdbd4438258d67bd9 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Title (French) The image's title, in French. Châtelet ; Bicêtre. Massacre des prisonniers Title (English) The image's title, in English. Massacre of the Prisoners Caption The image's caption. Massacre des prisonniers de la Prison du Châtelet et de la Maison de Bicétre le deux et trois Septembre et jours suivantes au nombre d'environ huit cents Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Etching Physical Dimensions The actual physical size of the original image 10 x 15.5 cm Sortable Date 1792-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Bibliothèque Nationale de France Description An account of the resource Yet another image from the newspaper R*volutions de Paris shows crowds massacring refractory clergy and prisoners. These panels reveal similar occurrences at the police prisons of the Chatelet and the Bic*tre, where altogether an estimated 800 were killed in the first week of September. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource None Identified Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Public Domain Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPEG Language A language of the resource French Title A name given to the resource Massacre of the Prisoners Relation A related resource http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/102/|Michel Hennin. Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France. Tome 128, Pièces 11231-11307, période : 1792 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1792 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 102 Image Nobility Popular Politics The Terror https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/f39cf6cc60d05f254b2c9bf1232ada19.jpg 0ead2c4e547ae8f2f2273d2955be6ece Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Engraving Physical Dimensions The actual physical size of the original image 9.5 x 15 cm Title (French) The image's title, in French. Massacre des prisonniers de l'Abbaye St Germain Caption The image's caption. Douze commissaires nommés par le peuple sont installés au guichet de la prison, et jugent les détenus d'après le registre d'ecrou, et un interrogatoire préalable; aprés quoi ceux qui etoient reconnus criminels, etoient sur le Champ mis a mort par le peuple. Sortable Date 1792-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Bibliothèque Nationale de France Description An account of the resource In one of the most widely reported incidents of the September massacres, a "jury" of twelve "commissioners" was formed spontaneously in the Saint–Germain Abbey to judge the refractory clergy held there as prisoners. After an interrogation and threats of "prealable interrogation" (a form of torture used by the Inquisition), the convicted criminals were put to death in the name of "the people." The event was discussed favorably by the radical newspaper, the R*volutions de Paris. This woodcut appeared alongside the article. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource None Identified Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Public Domain Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPEG Language A language of the resource French Title A name given to the resource Massacre of the Prisoners of St. Germain Abbey Relation A related resource http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/100/|Michel Hennin. Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France. Tome 128, Pièces 11231-11307, période : 1792|de Vinck. Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870. Vol. 29 (pièces 4856-5017), Ancien Régime et Révolution Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1792 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 100 Image Nobility Popular Politics The Terror Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Every revolution is the work of a principle which has been accepted as a basis of faith. Whether it invoke nationality, liberty, equality, or religion, it always fulfills itself in the name of a principle, that is to say, of a great truth, which being recognized and approved by the majority of the inhabitants of a country, constitutes a common belief, and sets before the masses a new aim, while authority misrepresents or rejects it. A revolution, violent or peaceful, includes a negation and an affirmation: the negation of an existing order of things, the affirmation of a new order to be substituted for it. A revolution proclaims that the state is rotten; that its machinery no longer meets the needs of the greatest number of the citizens; that its institutions are powerless to direct the general movement; that popular and social thought has passed beyond the vital principle of those institutions; that the new phase in the development of the national faculties finds neither expression nor representation in the official constitution of the country, and that it must therefore create one for itself. This revolution does create. Since its task is to increase, and not diminish the nation's patrimony, it violates neither the truths that the majority possess, nor the rights they hold sacred; but it reorganizes everything on a new basis; it gathers and harmonizes round the new principle all the elements and forces of the country; it gives a unity of direction toward the new aim, to all those tendencies which before were scattered in the pursuit of different aims. Then the revolution has done its work. We recognize no other meaning in revolution. If a revolution did not imply a general reorganization by virtue of a social principle; if it did not remove a discord in the elements of a state, and place harmony in its stead; if it did not secure a moral unity; so far from declaring ourselves revolutionists, we should believe it our duty to oppose the revolutionary movement with all our power. Without the purpose hinted at above, there may be riots, and at times victorious insurrections, but no revolutions. You will have changes of men and administration; one caste succeeding to another; one dynastic branch ousting the other. This necessitates retreat; a slow reconstruction of the past, which the insurrection had suddenly destroyed; the gradual re-establishment, under new names, of the old order of things, which the people had risen to destroy. Societies have such need of unity that if they miss it in insurrection they turn back to a restoration. Then there is a new discontent, a new struggle, a new explosion. France has proven it abundantly. In 1830 she performed miracles of daring and valor for a negation. She rose to destroy, without positive beliefs, without any definite organic purpose, and thought she had won her end when she canceled the old principle of legitimacy. She descended into that abyss which insurrection alone can never fill; and because she did not recognize how needful is some principle of reconstruction, she finds herself today, six years after the July Revolution, five years after the days of November, two years after the days of April, well on her way to a thorough restoration. We cite the case of France because she is expected to give political lessons, hopes, sympathies; and because France is the modern nation in which theories of pure reaction founded on suspicion, on individual right, on liberty alone, are most militant, therefore the practical consequences of her mistakes are shown most convincingly. But twenty other instances might be cited. For fifty years, every movement which, in its turn, was successful as an insurrection, but failed as a revolution, has proven how everything depends on the presence or absence of a principle of reconstruction. Wherever, in fact, individual rights are exercised without the influence of some great thought that is common to all; where every individual's interests harmonized by some organization that is directed by a positive ruling principle, and by the consciousness of a common aim, there must be a tendency for some to usurp others' rights. In a society like ours, where a division into classes, call them what you will, still exists in full strength, every right is bound to clash with another right, envious and mistrustful of it; every interest naturally conflicts with an opposing interest: the landlord's with the peasant's; the manufacturer's or capitalist's with the workman's. All through Europe—since equality, however accepted in theory, has been rejected in practice, and the sum of social wealth has accumulated in the hands of a small number of men, while the masses gain but a mere pittance by their relentless toil; it is a cruel irony, it gives inequality a new lease of life, if you establish unrestricted liberty, and tell men they are free, and bid them use their rights. A social sphere must have its center; a center to the individualists that jostle with each other inside it; a center to all the scattered rays that diffuse and waste their light and heat. The theory that bases the social structure on individual interests cannot supply this center. The absence of a center, or the selection among opposing interests of that which has the most vigorous life, means either anarchy or privilege—that is, either barren strife or the germ of aristocracy, under whatever name it disguises itself, this is the parting of the ways, which it is impossible to avoid. Is this what we want when we invoke a revolution, since a revolution is indispensable to reorganize our nationality? . . . We are therefore driven to the sphere of principles. We must revive belief in them, we must fulfill a work of faith. The logic of things demands it. Principles alone are constructive. Ideals are never translated into facts without the general recognition of some strong belief. Great things are never done except by the rejection of individualism and a constant sacrifice of self to the common progress. Self-sacrifice is the sense of duty in action. . . . The individual is sacred; his interests, his rights are inviolable. But to make them the only foundation of the political structure, and tell each individual to win his future with his own unaided strength, is to surrender society and progress to the accidents of chance nature, his social instinct; to plant egotism in the soul; and in the long run impose the dominion of the strong over the weak, of those who have over those who have not. The many futile attempts of the past forty years prove this. . . . If by dint of example you can root in a nation's heart the principle that the French Revolution proclaimed but never carried out, that the State owes every member the means of existence or the chance to work for it, and add a fair definition of existence, you have prepared the triumph of right over privilege; the end of the monopoly of one class over another, and the end of pauperism; for which at present there are only palliatives. . . Christian charity, or cold and brutal maxims like those of the English school of political economists. When you have raised men's minds to believe in the other principle that society is an association of laborers—and can, thanks to that belief, deduce both in theory and practice all its consequences; you will have no more castes, no more aristocracies, or civil wars, or crisis. You will have a People. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Thomas E. Hachey and Ralph E. Weber, European Ideologies since 1789: Rebels, Radicals and Political Ferment, repr. (Malabar, Fla.: Krieger, 1979), 33–36. Description An account of the resource The journalist and politician Guiseppi Mazzini (1805–72) was the apostle of nationalism during the first half of the nineteenth century. He was exiled by the Austrians from his native Italy in 1831 and spent the next two decades working unsuccessfully through Young Italy, a secret society dedicated to beginning a European–wide revolution on the Italian peninsula. In the revolutions of 1848, he returned to Italy and became president of the short–lived Roman republic before it fell to French forces protecting the papacy. Mazzini played an important role in spreading the cause of Italian nationalism and Italian unity, although his hope for a revolution proved to be greatly delayed. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 559 Title A name given to the resource Mazzini on Revolutionary Nationalism Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/559/ Europe in Revolution Popular Politics Public Opinion Text The Terror https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/444dc62b4927805c8da1346eacdb5584.jpg e1242eb757a0918d2514cc78a11342bc Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Engraving Physical Dimensions The actual physical size of the original image 16.5 x 26.5 cm Title (French) The image's title, in French. Le Meâ Culpâ du Pape Sortable Date 1797-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Bibliothèque Nationale de France Description An account of the resource Although the revolutionaries long regarded the Pope as an enemy, their anger was stoked significantly by the papal decision to decree as unacceptable the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. This decision, hardly unexpected given the way that the revolutionary settlement upended church tradition and papal authority, apparently weighed heavily on Louis XVI. Some scholars believe it was this decision in Rome that turned the King down the path of no compromise. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource S. L'amerique Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Public Domain Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPEG Language A language of the resource French Title A name given to the resource Mea Culpa of the Pope Relation A related resource http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/13/|Collection Michel Hennin. Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France. Tome 126, Pièces 11060-11148, période : 1791-1792|Collection de Vinck. Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870. Vol. 50 (pièces 6797-6938), Directoire, Consulat et Empire Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1797 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 13 Counterrevolution Image Religion https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/bb8570535da565a35439da94a2104634.jpg ea1d9e085685d487a7d46647933db918 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Cornell 4606.18.J39 Description An account of the resource In July 1807, Napoleon and Alexander agreed to cooperate. Napoleon used this strategy to prevent his enemies from forming an alliance against him. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 198 Title A name given to the resource Meeting of the Emperors at Tilsit Relation A related resource http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/198/ Europe in Revolution Image Napoleon Bonaparte Event A non-persistent, time-based occurrence. Metadata for an event provides descriptive information that is the basis for discovery of the purpose, location, duration, and responsible agents associated with an event. Examples include an exhibition, webcast, conference, workshop, open day, performance, battle, trial, wedding, tea party, conflagration. Sortable Date 1792-12-21 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 871 Title A name given to the resource Members in the English House of Commons urge taking up of arms against France to protect Louis XVI from the Convention. Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/871/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 21, 1792 Timeline Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Martyn Lyons, Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution (London, Macmillan, 1994), pp. 153-154. Description An account of the resource The poet and politician Alphonse de Lamartine wrote in his memoirs about the inspirational effects of popular prints of Napoleonic battles. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 533 Title A name given to the resource Memoirs of the Poet Alphonse de Lamartine Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/533/ Napoleon Bonaparte Public Opinion Text https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/40e5baf84980cc5c09ff920f293c0e15.jpg 7492056f9917f41566390232ea9a7852 https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/71c118c2446c2e46a00c6ab078010573.jpg cfc6f857618f99aa4f8a96d2be297fe6 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Engraving Physical Dimensions The actual physical size of the original image 16.5 x 22.5cm Title (French) The image's title, in French. Journée mémorable de Versailles : le lundi 5 octobre 1789 Caption The image's caption. Nos Modernes Amazones glorieuses de leurs Victoires revinrent à Cheval sur les Canons, avec plusieurs Messieurs de la Garde Nationale, tenant des branches de Peupliers au bruit des cris réitérés de Vive la Nation, Vive le Roi. Caption (English) The image's caption, in English. Our modern Amazons, glorious for their victories, return on horse and upon cannons, with several good men of the National Guard, holding poplar branches to the repeated cries of “Vive la Nation, vive le Roi!” Sortable Date 1789-10-05 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Bibliothèque Nationale de France Description An account of the resource This engraving marks success and reconciliation among revolutionaries, as men and women, as well as soldiers and civilians, relax together. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource None Identified Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Public Domain Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPEG Language A language of the resource French Title A name given to the resource Memorable Day at Versailles, 5 October 1789 Relation A related resource http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/540/|Collection de Vinck. Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870. Vol. 18 (pièces 2908-3106), Ancien Régime et Révolution Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1789 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 540 Image Monarchy Women Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document History will be hard pressed to describe the insolent imprecations of a crowd of misfits in the sections calling loudly for disorder and extermination. They created the council of the Commune, from where everything that extravagance and human deprivation could imagine as most vile and atrocious poured out everyday against the citizens of Paris who had any means of existence whatsoever. They fought there, hitting each other with chairs, but never coming to final blows. These wretches, after a few debates between themselves, reunited to make the Convention victorious. All of their secret meetings tended to perpetuate revolutionary atrocities. The petitions that originated in these secret meetings were so ridiculous and so seditious that Isnard, President of the Convention, strained and exhausted by the din of the sections, declared in the name of France that if anyone attempted to question the inviolability of the Convention amidst the citizens of Paris, then someday someone would come to the banks of the Seine looking for the site where this city once existed. You cannot image the roar that arose from all the conspirators at this strongly worded statement. From then on, no other words were heard in Paris except "The Convention wants to destroy the capital." The Jacobins seemed to share the fury of the people in the sections. Hébert became the patriot par excellence, a good magistrate. Marat's halo shone even more. The Commission of Twelve was dissolved, and that served as the signal for total anarchy. Fearful, Garat, the Minister of the Interior, sided with these villains, affirming that all was calm and that no conspiracy existed. . . and all the while daggers were being sharpened! Hébert, had been released from prison, which was a real triumph for this group of seditionists, and a sure harbinger of the death, or banishment, of his enemies. When he arrived, the lower classes showered him with coronets and civic awards that he took and modestly draped over the busts of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Brutus. . . . After having arrested three of four seditionists charged with crimes, the Commission of Twelve was covered with disgrace, the majority of its members dragged to the scaffold, and the others escaping death only by hiding in caverns, in the woods, or fleeing to a foreign country. The revolution of 31 May [–2 June 1793] avenged a hoard of killers. There were always three or four foreigners, and as many crooks, among the audacious commissioners of the sections, ever ready to declare that Paris was in a state of insurrection against tyranny. All of Paris was under arms, but without knowing for what reason. Municipal sashes were seen all through the faubourgs, or inviting them to march in the name of the sovereign people. [Commander of the National Guard] Hanriot had cannons moved here, there, and everywhere. The cannons were moved, brought back, and brought out again the next day when the Mountain section, screaming and shouting, had decreed that the sections of Paris had earned the recognition of their countrymen. To play such games on such a day was certainly a sad display, but it was to become an never-ending source of terrible calamities for all of France. With all the inhabitants of a city as enormous as Paris called to arms, the Commune then had the audacity to overrun all authority, and after having given it a try, became, to everyone's great surprise, a formidable power. The Mountain section then became advisors to the Commune . . . . They only came to the Convention to betray it and dissolve it, and what was even worse, to slander it, in that they had compelled the Convention itself to praise the 31st of May in such a way that the departments, forever being fooled, were in total ignorance of what was going on in Paris. Sortable Date 1798-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Louis-Sébastien Mercier, Le Nouveau Paris, 6 vols. (Paris: Fuchs, Ch. Pougens et Ch. Fr. Cramer, Libraires, 1798–99), 1:129–32. Description An account of the resource With the founding of the Republic, the forty–eight sectional assemblies of Paris declared themselves in "permanent session" so they could exercise constant vigilance over the Convention and over political events in general. In addition to their local administrative and judicial powers, the sections served as important forums for radical voices, such as Hébert and Marat. Those in the sections spoke of themselves as sans–culottes ("without breeches") and considered themselves the most committed and sincere revolutionaries of all—and thus responsible for ensuring the virtue and patriotism of all others. To this end, the sections planned the great "journées" (day–long demonstrations), such as that of 31 May–2 June, designed to pressure the Commune and Convention to adopt ever more radical positions and thus to push the Revolution forward. In this article from his periodical The New Paris, Louis–Sébastien Mercier describes the sections with a mixture of mockery (of their self–importance) and respect (of their power to mobilize the people). Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 406 Title A name given to the resource Mercier, The New Paris: "Sections" Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/406/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1798 Clubs Popular Politics Sans-culottes Text