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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Extract of a letter from Charleston, dated November 21th:&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;"On Saturday last a plot was discovered, which may have saved some lives and some property. Seventeen French negroes intended to set fire to the town in different places, kill the whites, and probably take possession of the power magazine and the arms; but luckily one of them turned states evidence. Five have been apprehended, two hung, and the others have escaped into the country."&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;From the &lt;/i&gt;Charleston State Gazette&lt;i&gt; of the 22d ultimo.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On Tuesday, the 14th inst. the Intendant received certain information of a &lt;i&gt;Conspiracy of several French negroes to fire the city&lt;/i&gt;, and to act here as they had formerly done at S. Domingo—as the discovery did not implicate more than ten or fifteen persons, and as the information first given was not so complete as to charge all the ringleaders, the Intendant delayed taking any measures for their apprehension until the plan should be more matured, and their guilt more closely ascertained; but the plot having been communicated to persons, on whose secrecy the city magistrates could not depend, they found themselves obliged on Saturday last to apprehend a number of negroes, and among others the following, charged (together with another not yet taken) as the ring-leaders, viz.—Figaro, the property of Mr. Robinett; Jean Louis, the property of Mr. Langstaff; Figaro the younger, the property of Mr. Delaire; and Capelle. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On examination they all at first positively denied their knowledge or concern in the plot; but the younger Figaro, after some time, made a partial confession, and was admitted an evidence on the part of the state. The others were on Monday brought to trial, in the City Hall, before as respectable a court and jury as we ever remember to have been convened. A number of witnesses were examined, and fully proved the guilt of the prisoners; and the court, on mature consideration, unanimously condemned Figaro, Sen. and Jean Louis, to be hung, and Capelle and Figaro the younger to be transported. The rest who were apprehended are under confinement, for further examination.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;After the condemnation of Jean Louis, he turned to the two Figaros and said, "I do not blame the whites, though I suffer, they have done right, but it is you who have brought me to this trouble."&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Figaro and Jean Louis were yesterday executed in pursuance of their sentence.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1797-12-13</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;The Pennsylvania Gazette&lt;/i&gt; (Philadelphia), 13 December 1797; available on cd-rom (Accessible Archives: Wilmington, Del., distributed by Scholarly Resources, 1998), 13 December 1797.</text>
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                <text>In the United States, vigilance remained at a high pitch as slaveowners dreaded the possible importation of rebellion from Saint Domingue.</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;The Pennsylvania Gazette&lt;/i&gt;: U.S. Vigilance (13 December 1797)</text>
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                <text>December 13, 1797</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;From the &lt;/i&gt;Courier Française.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;i&gt;CAPE, 23 August 1796.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Since my first letter, which accompanies this, there has occurred, and there is still occurring, what follows:&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;At Port-au-Prince, and in the environs, the Negroes are in a state of insurrection; they have burnt many habitations, which had remained untouched till this day. The Negroes will not work.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On this side of Grand Rivière, there is a great rising; the Brigand Negroes have killed a Negro chief named Gagnet, who commanded for the Republic, his family, and the &lt;i&gt;état-major&lt;/i&gt;. Fifteen thousand men taken from the principal posts, are to go against the revolters; they doubt much the success of these new Republicans. I deplore the unhappy fate of the inhabitants of St. Domingo. It is impossible for them to come with security to their habitations. The Negroes who have returned to their habitations will not absolutely attend to speak to their masters; they are willing enough to be Republicans, but &lt;i&gt;point de travail&lt;/i&gt; [no work]; they think it is contrary to Republican rights; by this title they are to be supplied with all that is necessary.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The mask is thrown off—the Negroes say, haughtily, that St. Domingo belongs to them; on this condition they will work, otherwise not. &amp;amp;c. &amp;amp;c.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Here follows a letter of the Directory, and a proclamation of L. F. Sonthonas, dated August 18th, relative to this insurrection.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This proclamation declares, that the northern part of St. Domingo, is in danger. It orders, that all unmarried citizens from 16 to 25, who are not employed in agriculture or in the offices of Commissioners, be considered in a state of requisition. Those who shall not obey these orders, without assigning a legitimate reason, are to be declared and treated as traitors, and tried by martial law. Emigrants are forbidden, &amp;amp;c.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;A letter appears in the &lt;i&gt;Courier Française&lt;/i&gt; of this morning, from Henry Perroud, former Ordonnateur of St. Domingo, &amp;amp;c. &amp;amp;c. in which, after saying that the accounts of the distressed situation of that island are fabricated by interested, evil-minded person, enemies of republicanism, &amp;amp;c. goes on to state, that Gonaives, l'Arthonite, la petite Rivière, and their dependencies, enjoy, under the orders of General Toussaint, Louverture, the greatest tranquility; the plantations near the enemy's camps promise a fine harvest. The cultivators rejoice in the sweets of liberty, and work constantly for the houses to which they are attached, &amp;amp;c. &amp;amp;c.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On this the Editor of the French paper observes; We shall not permit ourselves to judge on circumstances so important. We leave our readers to decide between the accounts given yesterday, and the letter we have published to-day.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;The Pennsylvania Gazette&lt;/i&gt; (Philadelphia), 28 September 1796; available on cd-rom (Accessible Archives: Wilmington, Del., distributed by Scholarly Resources, 1998).</text>
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                <text>Despite the abolition of slavery by the French, turbulence continued in many parts of the colony. The French relied on local generals, such as Toussaint L’Ouverture, to restore order.</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;The Pennsylvania Gazette&lt;/i&gt;: Unrest Continues (28 September 1796)</text>
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                <text>September 28, 1796</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;BALTIMORE, July 12th.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On Wednesday the committee appointed to examine the situation of the French fleet arrived in this harbor, and ascertain the number of passengers and the relief necessary to be given them, made the following report:&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;That they visited thirteen of the vessels that arrived on Tuesday, and found on board 351 passengers, (exclusive of people of color and negroes), of which number about 100 are women and children—That the passengers in the other ships, arrived and expected, are probably equal to the above number, of which they have advised an accurate report to be made to the Consul of the French Republic—That the distresses of those unhappy people have not been exaggerated, or perhaps equalled, by the information already given to the public—That an exertion of great humanity is indispensably necessary in the town of Baltimore, to supply their immediate town of Baltimore, to supply their immediate wants, and provide for their comfortable accommodation, until the inference of the French Minister, or the General Government, can be engaged—That the passengers and crews in general appeared to be healthy.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The committee, actuated by motives of pity for the helpless part of the passengers, have, of their own authority, ordered a supply of fresh provisions and vegetables to several of the ships; of which articles they had been totally destitute during the voyage.—This part of their conduct, they trust, will be approved of by their Fellow Citizens.—The business of a future supply, the committee conceive, ought to be conducted on some regular system.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Subscriptions have been opened, and nearly eleven thousand dollars have been already subscribed; many of the inhabitants have generously relinquished a part of the strangers and politely furnished them with the participation of their tables; such is the ardor which inspires every bosom, that no doubt can exist but every comfort will be provided for the unfortunate exiles, until the peace may again visit their native shores.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;From a Correspondent.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The liberality which has so eminently distinguished the citizens of Baltimore on many former distressing occasions, still shews [&lt;i&gt;sic&lt;/i&gt;] itself as resplendent as ever. The unfortunate inhabitants of St. Domingo have found an alleviation of their distress by taking refuge in this port; but it is much to be regretted that there are among us too many of a disposition to take advantage, even of the misfortunes of their friends. Our markets are shamefully raised; and the exorbitant prices of provisions are severely felt as well by the honest, but poor laborer of our own country, as by the plundered people who have fled the Cape to save the relicts of their families; many of whom have been in a moment reduced from affluence to want: That soul, who would on such terms acquire wealth, must be debased indeed. Some measures should be pursued to blast this evil: Our country is blest with stores, not only to support its own inhabitants, but also to furnish to the needy of other countries more than enough to gratify all their wants. The pretext therefore, that a scarcity enhances the value of provisions truly poor: It is the ignorance of the French strangers, with respect to our language and to the usual prices of food, which actuates the wretches of America to impose upon them.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Philadelphia, as well as this town, is a refuge for distressed allies; the same enthusiastical generosity is there displayed to soothe the misfortunes of the empoverished inhabitants of a lavished isle. The same shameful imposition by the vendors of provisions, on the ignorance of distressed guests began to shew its hideous face. The citizens nobly combined to crush this horrid monster, to efface this stigma from their name, and refused to accede to the knavery: They resolved to suppress it by depriving themselves of necessaries rather than indulge the imposition of unfeeling minds. Let our citizens do likewise, and meet with merited success. The powers of conception are too feeble to give an adequate idea of the sufferings of those who have escaped the horrors of the Cape.—The murderous fury of the insurgents did not afford leisure to preserve the property or clothes: Happy are they who seeing their wealth for ever lost, their friends, their dearest relations fall the hapless victims or more than savage barbarity. Happy were they to elude their unfeeling murderers and escape with life; in this condition they fled their native spot. Wives separated from their husbands lost or murdered; husbands as unhappily situated; children snatched from the devouring flames, and rescued from their parents' corpse; crowded in vessels, unexpecting any such event, and unprovided with provisions to support the crowd, and flying to the happy shores of America, to which they look up for clothes to cover nakedness, and food to preserve their miserable existence.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Their wants are liberally relieved by our generous citizens, and the severity of their afflictions greatly mitigated; their most sanguine hopes, during their gloomy passage, could not have surpassed the events which have occurred since their arrival: They have now only the pensive retrospect to dwell on, which gives to their sorrowing view, the horrors of their dear, their native isle: And great indeed is the consolation; that there are not super added the tortures of famine and houseless state. It is a happy reflection, that the severities of winter did not prevail, to render the unhappy occurrence more affecting, the little infants, who are now smiling on their nakedness, would have then given more horror to the scene, as they sink beneath the chilling grip of poverty and death.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1793-07-17</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;The Pennsylvania Gazette&lt;/i&gt; (Philadelphia), 17 July 1793; available on cd-rom (Accessible Archives: Wilmington, Del., distributed by Scholarly Resources, 1998).</text>
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                <text>Many American cities met the emergency needs of an influx of white refugees who fled the uprising.</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;The Pennsylvania Gazette&lt;/i&gt;: White Refugees (17 July 1793)</text>
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                <text>July 17, 1793</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The two following points must now occupy our attention: 1st. The course which the Revolution in France took; 2nd. How that Revolution became World-Historical.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;1. Freedom presents two aspects: the one concerns its substance and purport—its objectivity—the thing itself—[that which is performed as a free act]; the other relates to the Form of Freedom, involving the consciousness of his activity on the part of the individual; for Freedom demands that the individual recognize himself in such acts, that they should be veritably his, it being his interest that the result in question should be attained. The three elements and powers of the State in actual working must be contemplated according to the above analysis, their examination in detail being referred to the Lectures on the Philosophy of Right.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Laws of Rationality—of intrinsic Right—Objective or real freedom: to this category belong Freedom of Property and Freedom of Person. . . . In view then of these leading considerations we have to trace the course of the French Revolution and the remodeling of the State in accordance with the Idea of Right. In the first instance purely abstract philosophical principles were set up: Disposition and Religion were not taken into account. The first Constitutional form of Government in France was one which recognized Royalty; the monarch was to stand at the head of the State, and on him in conjunction with his Ministers was to devolve the executive power; the legislative body on the other hand were to make the laws. But this constitution involved from the very first an internal contradiction; for the legislature absorbed the whole power of the administration: the budget, affairs of war and peace, and the levying of the armed force were in the hands of the Legislative Chamber. Everything was brought under the head of Law. The budget however is in its nature something diverse from law, for it is annually renewed, and the power to which it properly belongs is that of the Government. With this moreover is connected the indirect nomination of the ministry and officers of state, etc. The government was thus transferred to the Legislative Chamber, as in England to the Parliament. This constitution was also vitiated by the existence of absolute mistrust; the dynasty lay under suspicion, because it had lost the power it formerly enjoyed, and the priests refused the oath. Neither government nor constitution could be maintained on this footing, and the ruin of both was the result. A government of some kind however is always in existence. The question presents itself then, Whence did it emanate? Theoretically, it proceeded from the people; really and truly from the National Convention and its Committees. The forces now dominant are the abstract principles—Freedom, and, as it exists within the limits of the Subjective Will—Virtue. This Virtue has now to conduct the government in opposition to the Many, whom their corruption and attachment to old interests, or a liberty that has degenerated into license, and the violence of their passions, render unfaithful to virtue. Virtue is here a simple abstract principle and distinguishes the citizens into two classes only—those who are favorably disposed and those who are not. But disposition can only be recognized and judged of by disposition. Suspicion therefore is in the ascendant; but virtue, as soon as it becomes liable to suspicion, is already condemned. Suspicion attained a terrible power and brought to the scaffold the Monarch, whose subjective will was in fact the religious conscience of a Catholic. Robespierre set up the principle of Virtue as supreme, and it may be said that with this man Virtue was an earnest matter. Virtue and Terror are the order of the day; for Subjective Virtue, whose sway is based on disposition only, brings with it the most fearful tyranny. It exercises its power without legal formalities, and the punishment it inflicts is equally simple—Death. This tyranny could not last; for all inclinations, all interests, reason itself revolted against this terribly consistent Liberty, which in its concentrated intensity exhibited so fanatical a shape. An organized government is introduced, analogous to the one that had been displaced; only that its chief and monarch is now a mutable Directory of Five, who may form a moral, but have not an individual unity; under them also suspicion was in the ascendant, and the government was in the hands of the legislative assemblies; this constitution therefore experienced the same fate as its predecessor, for it had proved to itself the absolute necessity of a governmental power. Napoleon restored it as a military power, and followed up this step by establishing himself as an individual will at the head of the State: he knew how to rule, and soon settled the internal affairs of France. The avocats [barristers], ideologues and abstract-principle men who ventured to show themselves he sent "to the right about," and the sway of mistrust was exchanged for that of respect and fear. He then, with the vast might of his character turned his attention to foreign relations, subjected all Europe, and diffused his liberal institutions in every quarter. Greater victories were never gained, expeditions displaying greater genius were never conducted: but never was the powerlessness of Victory exhibited in a clearer light than then. The disposition of the peoples, i.e., their religious disposition and that of their nationality, ultimately precipitated this colossus; and in France constitutional monarchy, with the "Charte" as its basis, was restored. But here again the antithesis of Disposition [good feeling] and Mistrust made its appearance. The French stood in a mendacious position to each other, when they issued addresses full of devotion and love to the monarchy, and loading it with benediction. A fifteen years' farce was played. For although the Charte was the standard under which all were enrolled, and though both parties had sworn to it, yet on the one side the ruling disposition was a Catholic one, which regarded it as a matter of conscience to destroy the existing institutions. Another breach, therefore, took place, and the Government was overturned. At length, after forty years of war and confusion indescribable, a weary heart might fain congratulate itself on seeing a termination and tranquillization of all these disturbances. But although one main point is set at rest, there remains on the one hand that rupture which the Catholic principle inevitably occasions, on the other hand that which has to do with Men's subjective will. In regard to the latter, the main feature of incompatibility still presents itself, in the requirement that the ideal general will should also be the empirically generalized will, that the units of the State, in their individual capacity, should rule, or at any rate take part in the government. Not satisfied with the establishment of rational rights, with freedom of person and property, with the existence of a political organization in which are to be found various circles of civil life each having its own functions to perform, and with that influence over the people which is exercised by the intelligent members of the community, and the confidence that is felt in them, "Liberalism" sets up in opposition to all this the atomistic principle, that which insists upon the sway of individual wills; maintaining that all government should emanate from their express power, and have their express sanction. Asserting this formal side of Freedom—this abstraction—the party in question allows no political organization to be firmly established. The particular arrangements of the government are forthwith opposed by the advocates of Liberty as the mandates of a particular will, and branded as displays of arbitrary power. The will of the Many expels the Ministry from power, and those who had formed the Opposition fill the vacant places; but the latter having now become the Government, meet with hostility from the Many, and share the same fate. Thus agitation and unrest are perpetuated. This collision, this nodus, this problem is that with which history is now occupied, and whose solution it has to work out in the future.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. We have now to consider the French Revolution in its organic connection with the History of the World; for in its substantial import that event is World-Historical, and that contest of Formalism which we discussed in the last paragraph must be properly distinguished from its wider bearings. As regards outward diffusion its principle gained access to almost all modern states, either through conquest or by express introduction into their political life. Particularly all the Romanic nations, and the Roman Catholic World in special—France, Italy, Spain—were subjected to the dominion of Liberalism. But it became bankrupt everywhere; first, the grand firm in France, then its branches in Spain and Italy; twice, in fact, in the states into which it had been introduced. This was the case in Spain, where it was first brought in by the Napoleonic Constitution, then by that which the Cortes adopted—in Piedmont, first when it was incorporated with the French Empire, and a second time as the result of internal insurrection; so in Rome and in Naples it was twice set up. Thus Liberalism as an abstraction, emanating from France, traversed the Roman World; but Religious slavery held that world in the fetters of political servitude. For it is a false principle that the fetters which bind Right and Freedom can be broken without the emancipation of conscience—that there can be a Revolution without a Reformation.—These countries, therefore, sank back into their old condition—in Italy with some modifications of the outward political condition. Venice and Genoa, those ancient aristocracies, which could at least boast of legitimacy, vanished as rotten despotisms. Material superiority in power can achieve no enduring results: Napoleon could not coerce Spain into freedom any more than Philip II could force Holland into slavery.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel,&lt;i&gt; The Philosophy of History,&lt;/i&gt; English translation (New York: Colonial Press, 1899), 449–53.</text>
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                <text>Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770–1831) was a famous philosophy professor in Berlin whose lectures attracted many students, even though the lectures were extraordinarily abstract. &lt;i&gt;The Philosophy of History&lt;/i&gt; was a compilation of his lectures given in 1830–31 and published after his death. They give the flavor of his philosophy of history and of his preoccupation with the French Revolution. Hegel was almost obsessed with Napoleon, whom he described as "world history on horseback." Hegel argued that the French Revolution failed because it had not been preceded by a prior Protestant Reformation, as in the German states. Freedom, he insisted, depended on a mental change; it could not be enforced politically.</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;The Philosophy of History&lt;/i&gt;</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 1&lt;/i&gt;. All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 2&lt;/i&gt;. Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 3&lt;/i&gt;. Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 4&lt;/i&gt;. No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 5&lt;/i&gt;. No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 6&lt;/i&gt;. Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 7&lt;/i&gt;. All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 8&lt;/i&gt;. Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 9&lt;/i&gt;. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 10&lt;/i&gt;. Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 11&lt;/i&gt;. 1. Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the Guarantees necessary for his defence.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. No one shall be held guilty of any penal offence on account of any act of omission which did not constitute a penal offence, under national or international law, at the time when it was committed. Nor shall, heavier penalty be imposed than the one that was applicable at the time the penal offence was committed.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 12&lt;/i&gt;. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 13&lt;/i&gt;. 1. Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each State.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. Everyone has the right to leave any country including his own, and to return to his country.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 14&lt;/i&gt;. 1. Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. This right may not be in invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 15&lt;/i&gt;. 1. Everyone has the right to a nationality.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 16&lt;/i&gt;. 1. Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;3. The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 17&lt;/i&gt;. 1. Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 18&lt;/i&gt;. Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 19&lt;/i&gt;. Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 20&lt;/i&gt;. 1. Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. No one may be compelled to belong to an association.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 21&lt;/i&gt;. 1. Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;3. The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 22&lt;/i&gt;. Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and international co-operation and in accordance with the organization and resources of each State, of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 23&lt;/i&gt;. 1. Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;3. Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;4. Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 24&lt;/i&gt;. Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 25&lt;/i&gt;. 1. Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control,&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance. All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 26&lt;/i&gt;. 1. Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;3. Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 27&lt;/i&gt;. 1. Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. Everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 28&lt;/i&gt;. Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 29&lt;/i&gt;. 1. Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;3. These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Art. 30&lt;/i&gt;. Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Yearbook on Human Rights for 1946&lt;/i&gt; (United Nations, 1950), 466–68.</text>
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                <text>The &lt;i&gt;Universal Declaration of Human Rights&lt;/i&gt; was passed by the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1948 to provide an authoritative list of human rights that could serve as an international standard for all peoples and nations. An affirmation of human rights seemed especially urgent once the horrors of the German genocide against the Jews and Japanese atrocities in China became well known. Although many of the rights in this document can be found in the traditional rights recognized by the &lt;i&gt;U.S. Bill of Rights,&lt;/i&gt; the &lt;i&gt;Universal Declaration&lt;/i&gt; also includes a series of social and economic rights such as education, employment, and the ability to participate in the cultural life of the community that extend significantly the North American and French revolutionary conception of rights. The extension of rights to include economic and social issues has provoked continuing controversy.</text>
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              <text>Who, while he was Villifying some of the more Moderate Men in the Convention and asserting that they should lose their Heads, stabed him saying, Villain thy Death shall Precede Theirs.</text>
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                <text>To those who considered Marat insincere and dangerous in his unrelenting populism, the true martyr was Charlotte Corday, who had come to Paris from Caen—a city then serving as a base for the federalist insurgency—apparently with the express intent of killing Marat. In this engraving by the English caricaturist Cruikshank, Corday is depicted as "A Second Joan of Arc," saving her country by ridding it of oppressive rulers.</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;A Second Jean d'Arc, or the Assassination of Marat by Charlotte Cordé of Caen in Normandy on Sunday July 14 1793&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/74/|Collection de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 32 (pièces 5252-5394), Ancien Régime et Révolution</text>
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