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              <text>&lt;p&gt;. . . We started marching, and I appeared at the first barricade, accompanied by the Commissaires of Section Quinze-Vingts. We were received with howling and the most atrocious insults by a great many armed men and a greater number of women, or rather, furies, who wanted to butcher us alive, or so they assured us. I let these howls quiet down, and I summoned them in the name of law and the national representation to deliver up the assassin [a man suspected of murdering National Representative Ferand on 1 Prairial] along with those who saved him from execution and to open the barricade at once. I threatened, in case of refusal, to use cannon to blow it up, throwing back onto the rebels the full horror of the consequences of their stubbornness.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I will point out here that at that moment it would have been very easy for me to turn back and leave through the barrier du Trone without the slightest risk, but beside the fact that it is in my character to doggedly pursue an action I believe good, such a withdrawal, which would have looked like a retreat dictated by fear, would have increased the audacity of the rebels a hundredfold and would have notably discouraged the good citizens of Paris. I firmly resolved to force these same men who wanted to encircle us to tear down their barricades themselves, but this required a great deal of prudence and much tenacity. Considering that I had only twelve hundred men (whose courage and devotion, to tell the truth, could be relied upon absolutely), and considering that we were surrounded by twenty thousand armed men and forty thousand furies—for they cannot be referred to as women—this action will be judged as appropriate.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Finally, having used first threats, then reason, we succeeded in opening up a passage. We started marching and arrived at the second barricade, where we were received with the same howls. At my end I used the same methods I had [used] the first time, and strongly supported all the while by the two Commissaires from Section Quinze-Vingts, whose zeal and devotion cannot be praised sufficiently, we succeeded, at the end of a quarter of an hour, in breaking through, but when we began marching, rumor spread that the rear guard had gotten hold of a cannon in Section Montreuil. Immediately the rebels took it upon themselves to rebuild the barricade. The cries and howls started up again. Several climbed up to the windows to assail us from there with gunfire, which made the position of the cavalry, above all, very alarming, as it could not defend itself in barricaded streets against men who were firing on them from the first floor. On the spot, I sent out General Brune, whose firmness I had tested. I asked him to go to the back of the column and order that no cannon be taken. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;[General Kilmaine relates his consternation at not receiving reinforcements that had been promised him in the morning. He continues:]&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Two of the people's representatives, Vernier and Courtois . . . joined the ranks of the advance guard of the battalion. I feared that the rebels would recognize them and that the assassins would concentrate all their efforts on them. We were firmly resolved to defend them or get ourselves killed, but there were only twelve hundred of us, and we were surrounded by a countless multitude of armed men and a horde of women a thousand times more atrocious than the men. Besides, we could compromise the success of the great expedition [planned for the evening] by precipitating hostilities with such inferior forces. The rear guard abandoned the plan to carry the cannon off, but it was done with good grace and not in the least forced by the rebels. Then the second barricade was reopened, and we again started marching through. Having arrived at the last barricade, we found a more stubborn resistance than at the first two, increased by a great number of citizens who had strayed from Section Indivisibility and from the Grand Rue Saint-Antoine. The same cries, the same threats from the rebels' side. The same firmness, even sangfroid, on our side. At last, wearied by our minimal success in using reason, I ordered the cannon pointed against the barricade, quite resolved to fire in three minutes' time if our demand was not heeded.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1795-05-00</text>
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                <text>From &lt;i&gt;Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795&lt;/i&gt;, edited and translated by Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson. Copyright 1979 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press, 296–297.</text>
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                <text>The Prairial insurrection of Year III (May 1795) would prove to be among the last major episodes of popular activism during the Revolution, due in part to the Convention’s forceful use of National Guard units, leading to the arrest of many activists and the execution of several popular leaders. While radicals viewed this outcome as evidence that the government had definitively turned its back on "the people," others—such as General Kilmane who commanded the troops on that day—viewed this event as the restoration of order by a government that had finally rejected Jacobin radicalism and firmly established its authority over an unruly Parisian population.</text>
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                <text>Military Suppression of Prairial</text>
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                <text>May 1795</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The National Assembly, considering the increased efforts by the enemies of order and the spreading of all manner of unrest in the various parts of the Empire that can put the state at risk at this very moment when the nation is engaged in a foreign war in order to maintain its liberty, and that causes us to doubt the success of our political regeneration;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Convinced that in reserving itself the right to report the danger, it is delaying it for the moment, and bringing peace back into the souls of good citizens;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Imbued with the oath to live free or die, and to maintain the Constitution, and strongly believing in its duties and the wishes of the people for which it exists, decrees that a matter of urgency exists.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The National Assembly, after having heard the report of its Commission of Twelve, and having decreed the matter of urgency, decrees the following:&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Article 1. When the internal or external security of the State is threatened, and the legislative body has deemed that extraordinary measures are absolutely required, it shall, by an act of the legislative body, declare as much and in these terms:&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Citizens, the homeland is in danger!&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. Immediately upon publishing that declaration, the departmental and district councils shall assemble, and, along with the town councils and communal councils, be on permanent watch. From this time forward, no public servant can leave, or stay away from, his post.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;3. All citizens capable of carrying arms, and having already served in the National Guard, will also be on active duty.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;4. All citizens shall be called upon to declare, before their respective municipalities, the quantity and type of arms and munitions they own. Refusal to declare, or providing false information, if denounced and proven, shall be punished by the magistrate's police, as follows: for the first offense, imprisonment for a term not less than two months and not greater than one year; and for the second offense, imprisonment for a term not less than one year and not greater than two years.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;8. The citizens who shall have received the honor of being the first to march for the security of the threatened homeland shall report within three days to the town in their district. They shall form a company in front of the district's Administrative Commissioner and there they shall receive military lodging and be prepared to march at first orders.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;12. In towns that are cantonal seats, national weapons shall be returned to the National Guard who have been chosen for the new volunteer battalions. The National Assembly asks all citizens to voluntarily entrust their weapons for the duration of the threat to those responsible for defending them.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;13. Immediately upon publication of this decree, each district's administrative directory shall provide a thousand war-gauge ball cartridges which shall be kept in a safe place so they may be distributed to the volunteers when the board deems it appropriate. The executive branch shall give orders to send the necessary articles to the departments for manufacturing the cartridges.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;15. The volunteers may perform their military duties without wearing the national uniform.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;16. Any man residing in, or traveling through, France, is required to wear the national cockade.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Accredited ambassadors and officials of foreign powers are exempt from this regulation.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;17. Any person wearing an emblem of rebellion shall be taken before the common court and, if found guilty of having deliberately done so, shall be put to death. It is hereby ordered that all citizens arrest or denounce these persons on the spot, or risk being accused of abetment. Any cockade other than the revolutionary cockade is a sign of rebellion.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1792-07-05</text>
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                <text>M. J. Mavidal and M. E. Laurent, eds., &lt;i&gt;Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860, &lt;/i&gt;première série (1787 à 1799), 2d ed., 82 vols. (Paris: Dupont, 1879–1913), 46:133–34. Translated by &lt;i&gt;Exploring the French Revolution &lt;/i&gt;project staff from original documents in French found in J.M. Roberts, &lt;i&gt;French Revolution Documents&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 1 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1966), 487–89.</text>
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                <text>Although a small minority in the Legislative Assembly when it convened in September 1791, the Girondins succeeded in passing a resolution in favor of war with "the King of Bohemia and Hungary," meaning the Habsburg Empire in April 1792. Citing the Pillnitz Declaration and Louis’s continued resistance to war to their advantage, throughout the first half of 1791, Jacques–Pierre Brissot and his followers argued that only intransigence held France back from a glorious victory, which would secure and broaden the gains of the Revolution. By July, Louis’s attempts to sabotage the war effort were clear, so the assembly issued the following resolution, declaring the "homeland is in danger." Moreover, it called upon citizens to organize themselves and take up arms in defense of the liberty of the nation against both foreign invaders and internal rebellion. The revolutionary emphasis on unity in defense of the nation is laid on this foundation.</text>
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                <text>424</text>
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                <text>Mobilization for War (5 July 1792)</text>
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                <text>July 5, 1792</text>
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              <text>Les moines aprenant à faire l'exercise</text>
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              <text>avec de la patience nous en viendrons about et avec le temps nous marcherons comme les autres et la nation nous fera devenir bons citoyens.</text>
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                <text>Library of Congress</text>
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                <text>This image ridicules monks for contributing nothing to society, either economically or demographically, by depicting a group of them being taken from the monastery and drafted into the army, where they hope "to become good citizens" as was expected under religious restructuring. To bring the clergy under the control of the new government, on 12 July 1790, the National Assembly passed the measure that became known as the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. It targets not Catholicism but past clerical abuses. The measure sought to create a "revolutionary" clergy, which would serve the people rather than rule over them.</text>
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                <text>Monks Learning to Exercise.</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/218/|&lt;span&gt;Collection de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 19 (pièces 3107-3418), Ancien Régime et Révolution&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;It is natural for a republic to have only a small territory; otherwise it cannot long subsist. In an extensive republic there are men of large fortunes, and consequently of less moderation; there are trusts too considerable to be placed in any single subject; he has interests of his own; he soon begins to think that he may be happy and glorious by oppressing his fellow-citizens; and that he may raise himself to grandeur on the ruins of his country.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In an extensive republic the public good is sacrificed to a thousand private views; it is subordinate to exceptions, and depends on accidents. In a small one the interest of the public is more obvious, better understood, and more within the reach of every citizen; abuses have less extent, and, of course, are less protected.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;A monarchical state ought to be of moderate extent. Were it small, it would form itself into a republic; were it very large, the nobility, possessed of great estates, far from the eye of the prince, with a private court of their own, and secure, moreover, from sudden executions by the laws and manners of the country—such a nobility, I say, might throw off their allegiance, having nothing to fear from too slow and too distant a government.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;A large empire supposes a despotic authority in the person who governs. It is necessary that the quickness of the prince's resolutions should supply the distance of the places they are sent to; that fear should prevent the remissness of the distant governor or magistrate; that the law should be derived from a single person, and should shift continually, according to the accidents which necessarily multiply in a state in proportion to its extent.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;A NEW PHYSICAL CAUSE OF THE SLAVERY OF ASIA, AND OF THE LIBERTY OF EUROPE&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In Asia they have always had great Empires; in Europe these could never subsist. Asia has larger plains; it is cut out into much more extensive divisions by mountains and seas; and as it lies more to the south, its springs are more easily dried up; the mountains are less covered with snow; and the rivers being not so large, form more contracted barriers.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Power in Asia ought then to be always despotic; for if their slavery was not severe they would soon make a division inconsistent with the nature of the country.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In Europe the natural division forms many nations of a moderate extent, in which the ruling by laws is not incompatible with the maintenance of the state; on the contrary, it is so favorable to it, that without this the state would fall into decay, and become a prey to its neighbors.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It is this which has formed a genius for liberty that renders every part extremely difficult to be subdued and subjected to a foreign power, otherwise than by the laws and the advantage of commerce.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On the contrary, there reigns in Asia a servile spirit, which they have never been able to shake off, and it is impossible to find in all the histories of that country a single passage that discovers a freedom of spirit; we shall never see anything there but the excess of slavery.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Merrick Whitcomb, ed., &lt;i&gt;Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 6 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania History Department, 1899), 3–6.</text>
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                <text>In&lt;i&gt; The Spirit of the Laws&lt;/i&gt; published in 1748, Montesquieu took a less playful tone. Rather than lampooning French customs as he did in &lt;i&gt;The Persian Letters&lt;/i&gt;, he offered a wide–ranging comparative analysis of governmental institutions. He argued that the type of government varied depending on circumstances. This idea might not seem very radical today, but in the eighteenth century it implied that the governments of the time need not be permanent. Like Locke, Montesquieu argued that government was not modeled on the authority of fathers in their families. Instead, the best government was the one that best accorded with the nature of the people in question.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The king of France is an old man. We have no instance in our history of a monarch that has reigned so long. They say he possesses to an extraordinary degree the talent of making himself obeyed. He governs with the same ability his family, his court, his state. He has often been heard to say that of all the governments of the world, that of the Turks or that of our own August sultan pleased him most, so greatly he affected the oriental style of politics.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I have made a study of his character, and I find contradictions which I am unable to reconcile: for example, he has a minister who is only eighteen years old, and a mistress who is eighty; he is devoted to religion, and he cannot endure those who say it must be rigorously observed; although he flees the tumult of the city and has intercourse with few, yet he is occupied from morning until night in making himself talked about; he loves trophies and victories, but he is afraid of seeing a good general at the head of his troops, lest he should have cause to fear the chief of a hostile army. He is the only one, I believe, to whom it has ever happened that he was at the same time overwhelmed with more riches than a prince might hope to possess and burdened with a poverty that a private person would be unable to bear.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;He loves to gratify those that serve him; but he rewards the efforts, or rather the indolence, of his courtiers more liberally than the arduous campaigns of his captains. Often he prefers a man whose duty it is to disrobe him or hand him his napkin when he seats himself at dinner, to another who takes cities or wins him battles. He believes that the sovereign grandeur ought not to be limited in the distribution of favors; and without investigating as to whether the one upon whom he heaps benefits is a man of merit, he believes that his choice renders him such; so that he has been seen to give a small pension to a man who had run two leagues, and a fine government to another who had run four.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;He is magnificent, especially in his buildings. There are more statues in the gardens of his palace than there are citizens in a great city. His guard is as strong as that of the prince before whom all thrones are overturned; his armies are as numerous, his resources are as great, and his finances as inexhaustible.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Paris, the 7th of the moon of Moharram, 1713.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Merrick Whitcomb, ed., &lt;i&gt;Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 6, &lt;i&gt;French Philosophers of the Eighteenth Century&lt;/i&gt; (University of Pennsylvania, 1899), 2–3.</text>
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                <text>Charles–Louis de Sécondat, Baron de la Brède et de Montesquieu (1689–1755), was born into a family of noble judges near Bordeaux. He published &lt;i&gt;The Persian Letters&lt;/i&gt; anonymously because he feared that his criticisms of the recently deceased Louis XIV might get him into trouble with government officials. The novel made him an overnight sensation. He sold his position as a judge and devoted himself to travel and writing. In &lt;i&gt;The Persian Letters&lt;/i&gt;, he uses a fictional correspondence between two Persians to reflect on the meaning of government and social customs. He paid great attention to the treatment of women and the place of wives in society.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;LETTER LXXIV&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Usbek to Rica, at&lt;/i&gt; ———&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It was a few days ago that a man I know said to me, "I promised to introduce you into the best houses in Paris, and I will now take you to the home of a great noble, one of the men who best represents the realm."&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;"What does that mean, sir? Is it that he is more polished or more affable than the others?" "No," he said. "Ah, I understand; he makes his superiority constantly felt by those who approach him. In that case, it is of no use if I go. I grant him everything and accept my sentence as an inferior."&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;But I had to go, and I met a little man who was so proud, who took snuff with such haughtiness, blew his nose so mercilessly, spat with such composure, and who caressed his dogs in such an offensive manner, that I could not help but admire him. "Oh, good heavens," I said to myself. "If I acted like that at the court in Persia, I would be quite a fool!" Rica, we would have to have been of quite mean character to go and insult in a hundred petty ways those people who came every day to show us their respect. They knew well that we were above them, and if they did not, our kind deeds would [have] made them aware of it every day. Not having to do anything to make ourselves respected, we did all we could to make ourselves liked. We were accessible to the humblest, and although we lived in a grandeur that always tends to harden feelings, they found us to be sensitive. We descended to their needs, keeping only our hearts above them. But when it was a matter of sustaining the prince's majesty in public ceremonies, or of building respect for the nation in the eyes of foreigners, or when, finally, it was necessary to lead soldiers in perilous times, then we held ourselves a hundred times higher than we had ever descended. We became proud once more, and sometimes we were deemed to have made a rather good showing for ourselves.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Paris, the 10th of the moon of Saphar, 1715&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Charles-Louis de Sécondat, Baron de Montesquieu,&lt;i&gt; Persian Letters, &lt;/i&gt;no translator listed, 3d ed. (London: J. Torson, 1736), no. 74, 157–58.</text>
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                <text>In his&lt;i&gt; Persian Letters, &lt;/i&gt;published anonymously and abroad in 1721, Charles–Louis de Sécondat, Baron de Montesquieu, president of the&lt;i&gt; Parlement &lt;/i&gt;of Bordeaux and a noble himself, made a scathing critique of nobility that set the tone for the philosophes’ attack on the inequality of eighteenth–century French society.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;At the time of the first Dynasty, My Lord, the French Nation left the Germania swamps and forests, and took possession of the rich lands of Gaul. The dying authority of the Roman Emperors was not able to defend these lands against the invasions of a vast number of other Barbarians. No other show could have interested you more than this one! In Gaul, at the beginning of the fifth century, Laws and Religion were almost on their own to govern an abandoned country because of the weakness of its legitimate Monarchs; to outlive their authority; to triumph over a conquering People; to ease its morals; to give the People the principles of a well-ordered administration; and in this way to be used as safeguards to the defeated ones against the fury and arrogance of the conquerors. At this point, My Lord, you should know about the Public Law that was established by the Romans in the provinces; because you will soon find out that, even if our Ancestors brought with them some Barbarian customs, we got reason, humanity, and good Laws from the wise institutions of the Romans who had governed half of the known Universe for such a long time. What did the new Conqueror of Gaul have best to do? He had conquered; he wanted to reign: he had the military power, but was missing all the Governing tools, and he borrowed them from the defeated people. He found a wonderful mechanism already set up. The Caesars had abandoned the management: Clovis seized it and saw himself as the successor. Bishops, Peoples got the same idea from him. He was the King; he was the master: everything would have been set if only he had been fair.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Jacob-Nicolas Moreau, &lt;i&gt;Leçons de Morale, de politique et de droit public&lt;/i&gt; (Versailles: De l'imprimerie du Département des affaires étrangeres, 1773), 30–33.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The main fruit you will get from the study of our History will not be to convince you that your authority is absolute. Instead, it will be to know its purpose, its measure and its rule. You will also learn—through the experience of centuries—that . . . the most independent Sovereignty is like all human matters. It is conserved through good use, changed by abuse and destroyed if used wrongly. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Indeed, to reign does not mean to be delighted, it rather means to delight others; it means to provide them with the benefits of Nature and to defend society against its own injustice as well as against its neighbors. . . . To govern a State implies to ensure men with all the advantages the Author of Nature attributed to the establishment of Societies, and this through steady and regular rules. The choice and the enforcement of these rules is what we call Public Administration, and we refer to Public Law as the science that teaches the principles of this administration and the Laws that are responsible for guiding it. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Through comparisons, you will be convinced of the inalienable rights of humanity, these same rights are the true and fundamental principles of all societies and represent the dedicated outlines of all human Laws. After examining the nature of the Government throughout our history, you will then look for the one that should always exist so that Kings are powerful and Peoples free and happy. You will notice that the Public Law of a Nation can never be arbitrary, because natural Law is the base of it. Art can always improve its tools, but can never change its principles or invert its end.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1773-00-00</text>
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                <text>Jacob-Nicolas Moreau, &lt;i&gt;Leçons de Morale, de politique et de droit public &lt;/i&gt;(Versailles: De l'imprimerie du Département des affaires étrangères, 1773), 15–16, 21–26, 49, 76–80, 139–48.</text>
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                <text>Jacob–Nicolas Moreau wrote his "lessons of morality, politics and law" for the instruction of the Dauphin. Throughout the 200–page book, Moreau defends the power of the King to rule France without opposition. In this passage, he emphasized that the current King must be actively involved in governing and could no longer inspire respect from his subjects merely by occupying the throne, as had monarchs in earlier times. Furthermore, Moreau wrote, only an active King could defend order and thus preserve the liberty of his people.</text>
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                <text>254</text>
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                <text>Moreau, "Principles of Monarchy" (1773)</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/254/</text>
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