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                <text>Necker is dismissed.</text>
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                <text>July 11, 1789</text>
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                <text>Necker is recalled. Troops advancing toward Paris and Versailles are withdrawn.</text>
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                <text>July 16, 1789</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Having devoted all my time and my strength in the service of YOUR MAJESTY since you appointed me to this position, it is important for me to give you some public explanations concerning the success of my works and the actual state of the Finances.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I would have renounced to the satisfaction of . . . explaining my behavior, if I had not thought that by doing so, all this [information] could have been very useful to YOUR MAJESTY's affairs. Such an institution, if it became permanent, would be the source of the most important advantages because the obligation to publicly show his administration would influence a Finance Minister from the first steps in his career. Darkness and obscurity favor nonchalance. . . . This report would also allow each of the people—who are part of YOUR MAJESTY's Councils—to study and follow the situation of the Finances. . . . Such an institution could have the greatest influence on public confidence.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In fact, if one fixes his attention on the huge credit England enjoys, and which constitutes their main strength in war, it would be impossible to attribute it entirely to the nature of its Government. Because whatever the authority of the French Monarch is, his interests will always depend on fidelity and justice. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Another reason for the great credit of England is the public notoriety to which the state of Finances is submitted. Each year this state is presented to the Parliament, then it is printed. And all the lenders who regularly know the proportion that is maintained between incomes and expenses are not troubled by suspicions and fanciful fears, which are always part of darkness.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In France, the state of Finances has always been a mystery. If sometimes somebody talked about it, it was only in the preambles of Edicts, and always when money had to be borrowed. But these words, too often the same to be true, have necessarily lost their authority, and men of experience only believe in it because of the moral nature of the Finance Minister. It is important to found confidence on more solid bases. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The sovereign of a kingdom such as France can always, when he wants, maintain the balance between ordinary expenses and incomes. The reduction of expenses—which is always the wish of the public—belongs to the King. When circumstances require, only he has the power to increase taxes. But the most dangerous, as well as the fairest of resources, is to blindly look for some temporary aid, and to borrow either through increases of income or through savings.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Such an Administration, which seduces because there seems to have no more immediate problems, only increases difficulties and leads to the precipice. On the other hand, a more simple and frank behavior would multiply the means of the Sovereign and would save him forever from any kind of injustice.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It is then a great view of Administration from YOUR MAJESTY to have been allowed to give a public report on the state of your Finances. And I wish, for the happiness and the strength of the Kingdom, that this happy institution is not temporary. What is there to fear from such a report if [you] . . . make expenses proportional to incomes, and guarantee lenders, every time the needs of the State require their confidence!&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Jacques Necker, &lt;i&gt;Compte rendu au Roi&lt;/i&gt; (Geneva: Duvillard, 1781), 1–3.</text>
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                <text>Unlike the British, where the crown’s finance minister gave an annual report to Parliament, the French royal treasury’s accounts were a closely guarded secret. Yet Louis XVI’s second finance minister, Jacques Necker, a Swiss banker, who claimed to be more attuned to the benefits of public confidence than to palace intrigue at court, thought the crown would be better able to raise funds if it were to issue a public report of its budget, and to this end he wrote and had published 100,000 copies of his &lt;i&gt;Account to the King &lt;/i&gt;in 1781. He hoped this report would win support for reforms among the Parlementary magistrates and other regional elites; however, the result was the opposite—Necker was dismissed again, preventing once again any public discussion of the disastrous state of the royal finances. This excerpt comes from the introduction to Necker’s report.</text>
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          <name>Title (French)</name>
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              <text>Nouvelle Place de la Bastille</text>
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              <text>New Square of the Bastille</text>
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              <text>Ami le temps passé n’est plus, rendons à César ce qui appartient à César, et à la Nation ce qui est à la Nation. (Louis XVI, Restaurateur de la Liberté Française)</text>
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              <text>The friend of times past is no longer. Render to Caesar what belongs to Caesar, to the Nation what is the Nation’s. (Louis XVI, Restorer of French Liberty)</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/1131/</text>
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              <text>Neuf émigrés à la guillotine</text>
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              <text>&lt;span&gt;Neuf émigrés ayant été pris les armes à la main furent amenés à Paris, jugés par un conseil de guerre et exécutés sur la place de Grêve, le plus âgé n'avait pas 30 ans&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>In a woodcut that appeared in &lt;em&gt;Révolutions de Paris,&lt;/em&gt; the guillotine is used before a crowd of soldiers and patriotic onlookers, to execute nine "émigrés" who had tried to fell France and thus demonstrated themselves to be traitors.</text>
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                <text>Nine Emigrants Go to the Guillotine</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/124/|&lt;span&gt;Michel Hennin. &lt;em&gt;Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France.&lt;/em&gt; Tome 128, Pièces 11231-11307, période : 1792&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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              <text>&lt;span&gt;Bataillon Sacré composé de 500.000 Républicains deffendant notre Constitution contre les esclaves de tous les tyrans coalisés&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Bibliothèque Nationale de France&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>The revolutionary wars, which would continue in one form or another until Napoleon’s defeat in 1815, were different from other conflicts in early modern Europe. In this struggle that emerged in 1792, both sides thought they were fighting for different ideas of governance and society: political democracy versus traditional hierarchy. When England and France had fought before 1789, they might have also clashed over political ideas, but it was clearly a war between dynasties over economics and geographical assets. The one other struggle that could have such varying ideals concerned religion. This image promoted the French as republicans, fighting for a constitution. Note that the constitution is presented as two tablets, as in many renditions of the Ten Commandments. The opponents are described as slaves.</text>
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                <text>Noble Act of 500,000 Republicans</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="9778">
                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/127/|&lt;span&gt;Michel Hennin. &lt;em&gt;Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France&lt;/em&gt;. Tome 133, Pièces 11674-11753, période : 1793&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;“I swear to maintain the constitution, to respect liberty of conscience, to oppose a return to feudal institutions, never to make war except for the defense and glory of the Republic, and to employ the authority with which I shall be invested only for the good of the people, from whom and for whom I shall have received it.”&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Frank M. Anderson, ed., The Constitutions and Other Illustrative Documents of the History of France, 2nd ed., revised (New York: Russell and Russell, 1908), p. 331.</text>
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                <text>The oath that Bonaparte took on becoming consul for life gives a good idea of the image that he tried to project: protector of the gains of the Revolution and insurer of order. In retrospect, his claims about not wishing to make war ring hollow.</text>
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                <text>Oath as Consul for Life (4 August 1802)</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/507/</text>
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                <text>August 4, 1802</text>
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              <text>Serment des Nouveaux Horaces</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Bibliothèque Nationale de France&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Social discrimination against old regime elites continued in this parody of a famous painting prior to the Revolution, &lt;em&gt;The Oath of the Horatii,&lt;/em&gt; by Jacques–Louis David which focused on the courage of three brothers who thrust their arms bravely forward to signal their willingness to sacrifice themselves for their country. In this image, three officers recruited from the nobility offer a weak salute, suggesting their irresolute allegiance to the king and a lack of leadership ability.</text>
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                <text>Oath of the New Horaces</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/150/|&lt;span&gt;Collection de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 72 (pièces 9377-9502), Restauration et Cent-Jours&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;. . . When I saw my brothers crying with hunger on the fifth of October, I could no longer hold in my feelings. The detestable aristocratic and royalist horde had plotted to submit the nation to slavery by starvation and saw no other way to force this nation to renounce its plans for conquering its liberty. That day, at 7 a.m., I heard cries of general alarm and the tocsin, which was being sounded. I ran to the Hotel-de-Ville. I found the people there, who, when they saw me, cried out: "Fournier, lead us to Versailles, where we want to go and ask for bread." I answered that I would go if I could assemble a sufficient number of armed troops. The battalion of the Vainqueurs de la Bastille was the first to start moving, and having come to an understanding with the women, it went off to Versailles, where, in the middle of the place d'Armes, it seized despotism's bodyguards and troops, who were posted there.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I felt I shouldn't waste a minute. I ran through Paris rallying the greatest number possible of good citizens. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;When I returned to the Hotel-de-Ville, I found all the people and the French Guard, who called out to me, "To Versailles, Fournier, lead us!" I sounded the call to arms, and everyone willingly rallied.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Then, d'Ogny came out of the Hotel-de-Ville. "Who gave you the command to sound the call to arms?" he asked the drummers. "I did," I answered, stepping forward. "Who gave you the order to do that?" he retorted. I told him in the strongest tone: "The tocsin and the sovereign people." Then he uttered some threatening remarks against me which I cut off by going after him with my naked sword. He fled into the Hotel-de-Ville. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I addressed five or six of these women who, with the name and outward appearance of &lt;i&gt;poissardes&lt;/i&gt;, conceal moral qualities, and above all, judgment, which always makes it possible for them to value sound advice. I stooped to their level of intelligence and borrowed Pere Duchesne's style, and while putting fist to nose, I told them: "Damn my ass, &lt;i&gt;[Sac . . . b . . . esso]&lt;/i&gt; don't you see that Lafayette and the king are f— you up &lt;i&gt;[vous c . . .]&lt;/i&gt; when they tell you they are going to meet in private to get bread for you? Don't you see that it's a ruse to put you off and to give you your chains back, and famine? The whole damned lot should be taken away to Paris. . . ."&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;No sooner had I spoken these words and followed them up with the gesture of hanging my hat on the tip of my sword, and crying, "To Paris! To Paris with the king!" than fifty thousand voices repeated this same cry, "To Paris!" And then, we left. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;We set off again.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I was delegated to go ahead in order to give the municipality of Paris the news that the master of Versailles was arriving in Paris, and that the people, who wanted it that way, were escorting him back.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="4679">
                <text>From &lt;i&gt;Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795, &lt;/i&gt;edited and translated by Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson. Copyright 1979 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press.</text>
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                <text>A Revolutionary activist named Fournier, known as "the American" because he had been born in the French colony of Guadeloupe, here recalls his own role as a National Guardsman in the October Days as being more important than that of the market women.</text>
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                <text>October Days: An Alternate View</text>
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                <text>October 5, 1789</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Deposition 343 18 June 1790&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Marie-Rose Barre, age twenty, unmarried, a lace-worker, residing at 61, rue Meslay, upon oath . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Deposes that on 5 October, last, at about eight o'clock in the morning, going to take back some work, she was stopped at the Pont Notre Dame by about a hundred women, who told her that it was necessary for her to go with them to Versailles to ask for bread there. Not being able to resist this great number of women, she decided to go with them. . . . At Versailles they found the King's Guards lined up in three ranks before the palace. A gentleman dressed in the uniform of the King's Guards, who, she was told, was the duc de Guiche, came to ask them what they wanted of the king, recommending peaceful behavior on their part. They answered that they were coming to ask him for bread. This gentleman was absent for a few minutes and then returned to take four of them to introduce them to the king. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;They spoke first to M. de Saint-Priest, and then to His Majesty, whom they asked for bread. His Majesty answered them that he was suffering at least as much as they were, to see them lacking it, and that so far as he was able he had taken care to prevent them from experiencing a dearth. Upon the king's response they begged him to be so good as to arrange escorts for the flour transports intended for the provisioning of Paris, because according to what they had been told at the bridge in Sevres by the two young men of whom she spoke earlier, only two wagons out of seventy intended for Paris actually arrived there. The king promised them to have the flour escorted and said that if it depended on him, they would have bread then and there. They took leave of His Majesty and were led by a gentleman in a blue uniform with red piping into the apartments and courts of the palace to the ranks of the Flanders Regiment, to which they called out, "Vive le Roi!"&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>From &lt;i&gt;Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795&lt;/i&gt;, edited and translated by Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson. Copyright 1979 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press, 49–50.</text>
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                <text>The commission investigating the October Days took testimony from twenty–five women who had participated, including Marie–Rose Barré, a twenty–year old unmarried lace–worker, whose testimony is excerpted below. Barré had been one of the women chosen to meet directly with the King to present the women’s concerns.</text>
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