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                <text>Paris sections remain in permanent session.</text>
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              <text>Pariser Poisarden sonst Fisch Weiber</text>
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                <text>Cornelis Katz (?)</text>
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                <text>Parisian insurrection secures further radicalization of the war–effort by the Convention; "terror" is henceforth the order of the day.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Legislators, when our country is in danger, all her children should hurry to her defense. Never has so great a peril threatened our country. We have been sent to this sanctuary of law by the commune of Paris to present the wishes of an immense nation. Imbued with respect for the nation's representatives and fully confident in their courageous patriotism, Paris has not despaired of the salvation of the people, but believes that for France's ills to be healed, they must be attacked at the source without waiting another minute. It is with sadness that Paris must hereby denounce the chief of the executive power. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;We shall not retrace all of Louis XVI's misdeeds since the first days of the revolution: his bloody policies against the city of Paris, his predilection for nobles and priests, his aversion for the National Constituent Assembly, that body of the people has been outraged by court valets and besieged by armed men, as they wandered in the middle of a royal city, and found asylum only in a tennis court. We shall not retrace the oaths that have been broken so many times, protests ceaselessly renewed and ceaselessly belied by actions, until the moment when a perfidious flight opened the eyes of even those citizens who had been most blinded by the fanaticism of slavery. We shall put aside all that which is covered by the people's pardon, but to pardon is not to forget. Besides, it would be in vain to try to forget all these misdeeds. They will soil the pages of history, and will be remembered by posterity.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Royal inviolability and perpetual changes in the ministry allowed the agents of the executive power to elude their responsibilities. A conspiratorial guard appears to have been dissolved, but it still exists; it is still funded by Louis XVI and sows the seeds of trouble which will yield a harvest of civil war. Priests, as agitators, abusing their power over timid consciences, turn sons against fathers and, from the sacred land of liberty, send new soldiers to march under the banners of servitude. These enemies &lt;i&gt;of the people&lt;/i&gt; are protected by the appeal &lt;i&gt;to the people&lt;/i&gt;, and Louis XVI upholds their right to conspire. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;From without, enemy armies threaten our territory. A manifesto against the French nation, as insolent as it is absurd has been published by two despots. Treasonous Frenchmen, led by the King's brothers, relatives, and allies, are preparing to strike at the heart of the country. Already the enemy, at our frontiers is sending butchers against our warriors. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The chief of the executive power is the key link in the counterrevolutionary chain. He seems to participate in the plots of Pillnitz, which he has so tardily made known. Every day his name is in conflict with that of the nation, and has become a signal for discord between the people and its magistrates, between the soldiers and their generals. He has separated his interests from those of the nation. We, too, separate them. Far from having opposed the enemies without and within by any formal act, his conduct is a perpetual and formal act of disobedience to the constitution. As long as we have such a king, freedom cannot grow strong and we want to remain free. Out of the remnant of indulgence, we would have wanted to be able to ask you to suspend Louis XVI for as long as the danger to our country exists, but that would be unconstitutional. Louis XVI ceaselessly invokes the constitution; we invoke it in turn, and ask that he be deposed.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;As it is very doubtful that the nation can have confidence in the present dynasty, once this great motion is carried, we ask that the ministers named by the National Assembly from those outside its membership wield collective responsibility. They, in accordance with constitutional law and named by free men in voice vote, will wield executive power provisionally while waiting for the will of the people, our sovereign and yours, to be legally pronounced in a national convention as soon as the security of the State permits. Meanwhile, let all our enemies, whoever they may be, form ranks beyond our frontiers. Let the cowards and the perjurers abandon freedom's soil. Let three-hundred thousand slaves come forward for they will find before them ten million free men, as ready for death as for victory, fighting for equality, for their homes, their wives, their children, and their parents. Let each of us be a soldier in turn and if we are to have the honor of dying for our country, let each of us, before breathing his last, make his memory illustrious for the death of a tyrant or a slave.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Le Moniteur,&lt;/i&gt; no. 218 (5 August 1792), 916–17.</text>
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                <text>Just after the Festival of 14 July, leaders of some of the more radical Parisian sections drafted, on behalf of the French nation, a petition calling on the Legislative Assembly to take emergency measures to ensure "the salvation of the people" by dethroning the King. This petition was presented to the assembly on 3 December by the mayor of Paris, Jérôme Pétion, and then printed as a pamphlet.</text>
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                <text>August 3, 1792</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;On the eve of the fourteenth of July, Besenval, who is responsible for public order, is embarrassed.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;. . . The insurrection of the 12th assumed an alarming aspect. Fearing that the different cavalry posts detailed to maintain order in the faubourgs might be insufficient or that under provocation they might infringe the express orders they had received, I sent them word to proceed to Place Louis XV (Place de la Concorde). A strong detachment of Swiss Guards with four pieces of Artillery was already in the Champs-Elysées. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On their way to Place Louis XV the troops were the target of insulting cries, stone-throwing and pistol-shots. Several men were severely wounded, but not a single menacing gesture was made by the soldiers, so great was their respect for the order that not a drop of their fellow-citizens' blood was to be shed.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The disorder increased hourly and with it my misgivings. What decision was I to take? If I engaged my troops in Paris, I should start a civil war. Blood, precious from whatever veins it flowed, would be shed without achieving any result likely to restore calm. The crowds were tampering with my men, almost under my eyes, seeking to seduce them with the usual promises. I received alarming reports concerning their loyalty. Versailles ignored my cruel situation and persisted in regarding a rising of three hundred thousand men as an unlawful assembly and the revolution as a riot.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;With all these considerations in mind, I thought the wisest course was to withdraw the troops and to leave Paris to itself. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On the evening of the 13th I was at the Invalides. M. de Sombreuil, the Governor brought me deputations from two districts, who came to ask me to leave them the fifty-two thousand muskets stored in the hospital. They expressed the liveliest alarm saying that they were surrounded by brigands who threatened their homes with fire and pillage. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Although the spokesmen of these deputations had prepared their arguments cleverly, it was easy for me to see that they had been put up to it and that they wanted the arms rather for the purpose of attacking us than defending themselves. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On the 14th at 5 a.m. a man came into my room. This man (whose name I learnt later) with his fiery eyes, his swift incisive speech, his bold demeanor and rather handsome face, made a striking impression on me. He said, "M. le Baron, I must warn you to avoid a useless resistance. Today the barriers of Paris will be burnt. I am sure of this and neither you or I can do anything to prevent it. Do not try to do so. You will sacrifice your men without extinguishing a single torch."&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Georges Pernoud and Sabine Flaissier, eds., &lt;i&gt;The French Revolution&lt;/i&gt;, trans. Richard Graves (New York: Capricorn Books, 1961), 29–31.</text>
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                <text>As demonstrations spread across Paris on the morning of 14 July, Pierre–Victor Besenval, commander of the royal soldiers stationed in the capital, contemplated ordering his men to suppress the protests. However, as reports poured in from across the city, he realized that the situation was moving beyond his control. As he describes below, his primary concern was to refrain from taking any action that could lead to widespread and unnecessary violence.</text>
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                <text>July 14, 1789</text>
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              <text>The thirteen parlements functioned as the supreme courts of appeal. The Parlement of Paris had by far the largest area of competency, with one-third of the territory and perhaps two-thirds of France’s 26 million in 1789, but each of the provinces added to France since the fifteenth century had one. The judges owned their offices, which by the eighteenth century also conferred nobility upon the holder. This ownership, or “venality,” made them very difficult to dismiss. Throughout the eighteenth century, the judges of the parlements sought to limit or overturn those initiatives of the monarchy that they thought impinged upon the system of privileges characteristic of the old regime. Their main weapon in this battle was the remonstrance by which the parlements could refuse to register a royal edict and explain why they refused to do so. Ultimately the King could force registration in a lit de justice, but this was particularly costly.</text>
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                <text>1106</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Sire,&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;At a time when a people who adores you are impatiently awaiting the pleasures of peace, are preparing to let the transports of their joy erupt, and to etch in bronze their gratitude for your benevolence, why is it necessary that an imposing combination of power and authority will not allow a glimpse of the respect that inspires them?&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;. . . Sire, your &lt;i&gt;parlement &lt;/i&gt;could not proceed to the registering of the disposition of your edict that orders the census and estimation of all the goods of the Kingdom, without first having some knowledge of the rules and instructions on how to conduct it. In addition, there currently exists a no-less efficient means of rectifying the arbitrary nature of the division of taxes—by bringing them all back under the jurisdiction of the regular tribunals and by having the different taxation roles remitted to the individual's Office of the Clerk of the Court.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The first "twentieth" is a tax reserved for wartime but which nevertheless represents the idea of a tax that is indefinite in duration, and this can only stir up the most emphatic alarm in the minds of your subjects. Should your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; not quickly solicit the goodness of your Majesty, not only to request that he set an imminent deadline for stopping the first "twentieth," but also to receive approval for its collection based on the notifications currently in effect, without their being able to be increased?&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The continuation of the second "twentieth" over six years is equally contrary to the promises that Your Majesty deigned to make, and to the state of poverty that the people have been reduced to.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The "free gift" of the cities, in principle considered as a free and voluntary aid, is in fact prorogated against the explicit statement of Your Majesty. Additionally, your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; has observed, with the most poignant sadness, illegal collections and the authorized misappropriation of public funds, even though the offenders were to be severely punished.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Sire, how can your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; not feel obligated to insist to Your Majesty on the fifth &lt;i&gt;sous&lt;/i&gt; per &lt;i&gt;livre&lt;/i&gt; on the farm taxes when they were created! And now with the return of peace, when your subjects should be able to foster the hope that this tax would be repealed, they have the pain of seeing that your Majesty is requiring a sixth. Sire, we dare show you that these accumulated taxes are causing immense harm to commerce and agriculture by their reduction of consumption. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;When your Majesty deigned to set the guidelines for the liquidation of the State's debt, should your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; not have shown you, Sire, the results of the city paying an annuity, the burden of which falls almost entirely on the inhabitants of this capital that already contributes in so many ways and so bountifully to the costs of the State? And should the &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; not also have warned you of the public disrepute they would receive because of this annuity? And if your Majesty has formed a plan to reimburse the life annuities . . . your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; should have shown you, Sire, that it is time to arrange for the privilege of liquidating them when your finances allow.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The measures of the edict . . . are very contrary to the rights of feudalism, to the acts and intentions of the founders, to the interest of creditors and, in general, to property rights. Besides, as a source of interest for Your Majesty's finances, it is so minor, and the possibility of fraud so great, that your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; must beg your Majesty to repeal this edict. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Sire, to demonstrate the need to rely on economy and better administration, what more convincing or more heartrending proof is there to give to your Majesty than the Kingdom's state of decline? Sire this decline is evidenced by falling population, the desertion that leaves a portion of the land uncultivated, the increase in begging, the despondency and disappointment rife among the workers in the countryside. . . . And finally, Sire, it is also evidenced through the loss of the patriotic spirit and, if we dare say, the fear of seeing oneself reborn into a future destined for heavier impositions that those that one endured oneself. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The sad result of inequality in the division of taxes, a nefarious source of the fortune of some and the ruin of others, is an inequality that is contrary to your justice and your beneficence. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Sire, your &lt;i&gt;parlement &lt;/i&gt;must make the most adamant and the most respectful entreaties to your Majesty, and beg him to make the State's budget available so that it can be compared to the old peacetime budget so that it can be seen what your Majesty judges to be necessary to maintain the country's borders, police the state police, keep the peace, while protecting the peace, commerce, and the dignity of the throne.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Actually, the increase of different types of taxes that fall on the lands and their produce, and on individuals and the actions of society, give rise to government control that is so diversified that a throng of officers would be needed just to make it profitable—officers whose salaries should remain in Your Majesty's coffers. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Sire, as long as you are seeing to this matter of reimbursing the State's debts, your &lt;i&gt;parlement &lt;/i&gt;dares to hope that your Majesty will not resort to new loans . . . since the ever increasing number of loans is the cause of your finances being unsettled, and of excessive taxes.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;The King responded:&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I know the needs of my people, and am aware of all of the efforts that they have made during the duration of the war. When I decided on the edicts and on the statement that I had entered into the register, I had already thought about the points that my &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; brings to my attention in their remonstrances. I was constrained by necessity to provide for the expenses of the State and for its freedom. I cannot change anything in the plan that I have proposed. My&lt;i&gt; parlement&lt;/i&gt; shall become aware of its usefulness when it is executed, and shall recognize my views that are aimed at relieving my people.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Jules Flammermont, &lt;i&gt;Remonstrances du Parlement de Paris au XVIIIe siècle&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 2 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1888–98), 323–44.</text>
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                <text>In 1763, with the Seven Years’ War having gone badly for France and the treasury facing ever greater shortfalls, the crown issued a series of new edicts on fiscal matters, necessary in large measure to pay off the war debts, which would extend the "twentieth" surtax (originally levied in 1750); add a new surtax on the "capitation" or "head tax" on all subjects of the King, including nobles; and create a special tax on revenues from non–real property (including royally issued bonds, held by most magistrates, judges, and provincial elites). Once again forced to register these measures under protest, the magistrates took the opportunity to upbraid the crown and to warn that once the current debts were retired the new taxes would have to be revoked.</text>
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                <text>Parlementary Remonstrance against Reforms of Royal Debts</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Basically Sire, due to these utterances and the risks they pose for all of Your Majesty's subjects who are concerned with the success of the remonstrances that they lay before the throne, your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; finds itself forced to respectfully remind you what one of your august predecessors, speaking through an envoy, said. "According to our government's constitution and former rulings by Most Christian Kings, kept thus far with religious exactness, nothing may have the force of public law in France, either for ecclesiastical or public matters, that has not been authorized and publicized by parlementary decree." Or what another of your predecessors also stated: that "verification by &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; is required and necessary, such that the measures applicable to the affairs of State remain in abeyance until they have been verified."&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;These formal and authentic assertions emphatically contain the maxims that your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; has always supported. These maxims were also tacitly stressed by another of our sovereigns when, in his presence, his minister came to &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; and said, "The need to verify edicts by &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; is one of the most sacred public laws, and one that the kings have always observed most religiously. This verification occurs by free vote, and it is illusory and contradictory to believe that the edicts which, in accordance with the laws of the kingdom are not open to execution until they have been brought and deliberated in the presence of the sovereign, are considered verified once the King has them read and published in his presence."&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;If the registration of &lt;i&gt;parlement's&lt;/i&gt; edicts is one of the most appropriate ways of imposing them on foreign nations, it is because these nations know that the constitution of the French monarchy is such that until these edicts have been verified and registered by the&lt;i&gt; parlement&lt;/i&gt;, they are not legitimate.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;To reduce the focus on the registration by your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; to the effect of contributing to its imposition on enemies, is to admit only the long-term consequences, rather than the immediate and appropriate effects from which it should stem. In this way, it distorts the nature of the registration and gives an opening for false impressions by which some would want to persuade Your Majesty that this registration can be supplanted by extraordinary means.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Sire, it would be against the views and interests of Your Majesty to allow an attack on principles that are as old as the monarchy itself and that are intimately tied to the conservation of your very authority. These principles are as important to the preservation of the obedience you are due by the execution of duly verified laws, as they are useful to those subjects who owe you this obedience. And it is your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt;, more than those who are close to the throne, that is more capable of assembling the needs and the just demands of your subjects.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Sire, we implore you to only see expressions of an unlimited faithfulness in all aspects of our respectful representation. It is with zeal, as well as discretion, that this faithfulness aims at deepening our understanding of all the aspects of the State that are capable of having an influence on the interests of Your Majesty and on those of your subjects. This faithfulness refuses to accept the registration of the above-mentioned edicts which, for reasons of order and public interest, are so essential, so powerful, so important, that it would be a reprehensible and fatal weakness to only try to be rid of them. Finally, this faithfulness insists on the conservation of the essential rights of the ministry that your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; fulfills for the State, because the protection of these rights is the only guarantee for the State and of all Your Majesty's subjects.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;If, in doing its duty, your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; dedicates itself to the strict obligation of usefully serving Your Majesty and the State by overcoming the obstacles that become a part of registering of the above-mentioned edicts, it could converge with Your Majesty's views with as much zeal and more satisfaction if it could present him with the projects which could be reconciled with the most important interests of which it must never lose sight. Your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; thus begs you Sire, with all the more confidence, to find resources that agree with the feelings of your own heart and with the situation of your people. It is assured by Your Majesty's answer that none of the number of projects that could be approved will find the idea of new taxes on land, so fatal to the State, so justly disapproved by your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt;, when against its formal vow they were introduced in the Kingdom. And this insidious announcement, too widely divulged to the public, alarmed the magistrates as much as it did your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; and all citizens.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Sire, your &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt; will not stop representing to you with the love and respect with which it is imbued for your sacred person. Among the projects to improve the finances, the one that is the surest, fairest, and the most worthy of Your Majesty, shall always be the affirmation and the progress of prudent savings by the administration. With this is also the reformation of the enormous abuses that render most of the treaties and companies that are created for your service as onerous for Your Majesty as they are onerous and ruinous for your subjects. Finally, there is the greater and greater reduction of useless expenses. Sire, if these reductions were as obvious as they are in agreement with Your Majesty's intentions, your subjects' courage would take on new force. The French nation, so noble, so generous and so attached to its kings, would raise the infallible means, would make the greatest efforts to save it through these reductions on the immense amounts raised from it if only they are used for the dignity of the throne, the effective service of Your Majesty, and the good of the State&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Respectfully, Sire, etc.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The &lt;i&gt;Parlement&lt;/i&gt; of Paris, 18 September 1759.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;The King, upon receiving these remonstrances, said only that he would study them and would make his intentions known to his &lt;/i&gt;parlement&lt;i&gt;.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Jules Flammermont, &lt;i&gt;Remonstrances du Parlement de Paris au XVIIIe siècle&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 2 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1888–98), 243–66</text>
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                <text>Later in the 1750s, the &lt;i&gt;Parlement&lt;/i&gt; turned its attention from religious controversy to royal fiscal policy. With the outbreak of yet another war—the Seven Years’ (or French and Indian) War against Britain—the royal treasury needed even more revenues, and the King proposed adding, for the third time in a decade, a surtax of one–twentieth on all income from property, including normally exempt noble lands. The magistrates—many of them landowning nobles—opposed this idea, not by arguing that nobles should be exempt from taxes (an idea they believed fervently), but by claiming that the crown, by so drastically breaking with tradition, was violating the unwritten constitution of the kingdom. In response, the King held a special "seat of justice" ceremony the next day to enforce registration of the edicts.</text>
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                <text>Parlementary Remonstrance against the Third "Twentieth" Tax</text>
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                <text>September 18, 1759</text>
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                <text>Passage of the Law of Suspects.</text>
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                <text>September 17, 1793</text>
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              <text>14 x 23 cm</text>
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              <text>Le Degraisseur patriote : patience, Monsieur, votre tour viendra. Le Pressoir. Il ni a plus de remede</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Bibliothèque Nationale de France&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Cartoons attacked the refractory clergy. Here, fat, overfed, and underworked clergy are squeezed down to an appropriate size. As elsewhere, visual images mocked the clergy by depicting them as subject to the threats and physical attacks of others.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="3434">
                <text>Clergy</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="3435">
                <text>None Identified</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="3437">
                <text>Public Domain</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="42">
            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="3438">
                <text>JPEG</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="44">
            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="3439">
                <text>French</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="9602">
                <text>Patience Monsignor Your Turn Will Come</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="46">
            <name>Relation</name>
            <description>A related resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="9603">
                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/78/|Michel Hennin. &lt;em&gt;Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France&lt;/em&gt;. Tome 121, Pièces 10614-10713, période : 1790</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="9604">
                <text>1790</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="43">
            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="9606">
                <text>78</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
        </elementContainer>
      </elementSet>
    </elementSetContainer>
    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="5">
        <name>Counterrevolution</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="11">
        <name>Image</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="12">
        <name>Religion</name>
      </tag>
    </tagContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
