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                <text>22 Germinal XI, laws passed concerning labor in manufactures, including the prohibition of workers’ coalitions.</text>
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                <text>April 12, 1803</text>
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                <text>24 Frimaire Year VIII, the constitution is proclaimed.</text>
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                <text>28 Floréal Year XII, Constitution of the Year XII. Senatus–consultum proclaims Napoleon Emperor.</text>
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                <text>30 Ventôse Year XII, the Duke d’Enghien is executed. Proclamation of the Civil Code or Code Napoleon.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;[Article] 1. The National Assembly abolishes the feudal system entirely. They declare that among feudal and taxable rights and duties, the ones concerned with real or personal succession right and personal servitude and the ones that represent them are abolished with no compensation. All the others are declared redeemable, and the price and the method of buying them back will be set by the National Assembly. The rights that will not be suppressed by this decree will continue to be collected until they are entirely paid back.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. The exclusive right of &lt;i&gt;fuies&lt;/i&gt; [allowing birds to graze] and dovecotes is abolished. The pigeons will be locked up during times determined by the communities. During these periods, they will be considered prey, and anyone will be allowed to kill them on their properties.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;3. The exclusive right of hunting is also abolished. Any landlord has the right to destroy or have someone destroy any kind of prey, but only on the land he owns. All administrative districts, even royal, that are hunting preserves, under any denomination, are also abolished. The preservation of the King's personal pleasures will be provided—as long as properties and freedom are respected.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;4. All seigneurial justices are abolished with no compensation. Nevertheless the officers of these justices will go on with their duties until the National Assembly decides on a new judicial order.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;5. Any kind of tithes and fees, under any denomination that they are known or collected . . . are abolished. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Other tithes, whatever they are, can be bought back. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;6. All perpetual loans . . . can be bought back. Any kind of harvest share can also be bought back.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;7. Venality of judicial fees and municipal offices is abolished. Justice will be dispensed at no cost. And nevertheless officers holding these offices shall fulfill their duties and be paid until the assembly finds a way to reimburse them.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;8. County priests' casual offerings are abolished and the priests will not be paid anymore.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;9. Financial, personal, or real privileges are abolished forever. Every citizen will pay the same taxes on everything.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;10. . . . Every specific privilege of provinces, principalities, regions, districts, cities and communities of inhabitants, either in the form of money or otherwise, are abolished.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;11. Every citizen, whatever their origins are, can hold any ecclesiastic, civilian, or military job.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>J. Mavidal and E. Laurent, eds., &lt;i&gt;Archives parlementaires&lt;/i&gt;, 1st ser., 82 vols. (Paris, 1862–96), 8:378. Translated by &lt;i&gt;Exploring the French Revolution &lt;/i&gt;project staff from original documents in French found in J.M. Roberts, &lt;i&gt;French Revolution Documents&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 1 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1966), 151–53.</text>
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                <text>In late July 1789, as reports of several thousand separate yet related peasant mobilizations poured into Paris from the countryside, a majority of them against seigneurial property, the deputies of the National Assembly debated reforming not just the fiscal system or the constitution but the very basis of French society. In a dramatic all–night session on 4–5 August, one deputy after another stepped forward to renounce for the good of the "nation" the particular privileges enjoyed by their town or region. By the morning deputies of all orders had proposed, debated, and approved even more systematic reform, voting to "abolish the feudal system entirely." In effect, they had decided to eliminate noble and clerical privilege, the fundamental principle of French society since the Middle Ages. Nevertheless, the meaning was unclear, for the "feudal system" had ceased to exist in France several hundred years earlier. Thus working out the details of this decree became a primary objective of the National Assembly for the next two years.</text>
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                <text>4 August Decrees</text>
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                <text>48,000 émigrés are removed from list of 100,000.</text>
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                <text>October 20, 1800</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Meanwhile, the Reign of Terror was reaching its end. Robespierre had become unbearable, even to his own accomplices. The members of the committees were in a power struggle with him, and were afraid that sooner or later, they would become his victims. When faced with his tyranny in the Convention, everyone whimpered, not daring to attack him. But soon Robespierre, through his speeches and actions, would give "hope to the damned" for Tallien, Bourdon-de l'Oise, Legendre, Le Cointre, and others, who feared sharing the fate of Danton and Lacroix. Every tyrant who threatens but does not strike, is himself struck. Tallien, Bourdon and two or three other Montagnards who had been threatened could no longer sleep, so, to defend themselves, they formed a conspiracy against Robespierre. But how to go about overthrowing him? Robespierre was in charge of all of the Parisian authorities, all of the club agitators, and counted Henriot, the commander of the Armed Forces, among his devoted followers. Only a decree from the Convention could fell this Colossus, because nothing is more powerful than morality in a war of opinions. But there were other problems. The Right, with more votes, was, as they should have been, less a friend of the threatened Montagnards, who had often called for their arrest and indictment, than of Robespierre who had constantly protected them. (No doubt to keep them as a backup if the need ever arose.) However, since no other way existed, the Montagnards turned to us. Their emissaries came to us. They spoke with Palasne-Champeaux, Boissy-d'Anglas and myself, all of us former members of the Constituent Assembly, and whose example would convince others. They used everything they could to help us make up our minds. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On 9 Thermidor, a few moments before the famous session, Bourdon-de-l'Oise met me in the gallery, touched me on the hand, and said, "Oh, how brave they are, those men of the Right." I went up to the Hall of Liberty, where I strolled for a moment with Robère. Tallien approached us, but then immediately saw Saint-Just at the rostrum and left us saying, "There is Saint-Just at the rostrum, we must be done with this." We followed him, and from his seat at the top of the Mountain, heard him sharply interrupt Saint-Just and start the attack. The stage thus set, Billaud-Varenne took over from Tallien and spoke even more vehemently.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Robespierre went up to the rostrum to defend Saint-Just. The only words that could be heard were: "Down with the tyrant! Arrest him!" Since the Mountain was still acting alone, Robespierre turned to us and said: "Deputies of the Right, men of honor, men of virtue, give me the floor, since the assassins will not." He hoped to receive this favor as a reward for the protection he had given us. But our party was decided. There was no answer, just dead silence until the debate over the decree to arrest Robespierre and his accomplices, for which we all voted in favor, which made the decision unanimous.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Pierre-Toussaint Durand de Maillane, &lt;i&gt;Histoire de la Convention Nationale&lt;/i&gt; (Paris: Baudouin, 1825), 198–201. Translated by &lt;i&gt;Exploring the French Revolution &lt;/i&gt;project staff from original documents in French found in John Hardman, &lt;i&gt;French Revolution Documents 1792–95&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 2 (New York: Barnes &amp;amp; Noble Books, 1973), 253–54.</text>
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                <text>This account of the proceedings in the Convention Hall on the 9 Thermidor Year II (27 July 1794) describes how Robespierre and Saint–Just, facing an organized attack by other members of the Committee of Public Safety, tried one last gamble, appealing to the deputies of the "Right" to come to their aid. These deputies repudiated the appeal, and the Convention unanimously voted for the resolution condemning them.</text>
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                <text>9 Thermidor: The Conspiracy against Robespierre</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="7926">
              <text>1792-08-09</text>
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                <text>966</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="7923">
                <text>A "Revolutionary commune" usurps the municipal government of Paris.</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/966/</text>
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                <text>August 9, 1792</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;(17 July 1725)—On Saturday the fourteenth, a baker of the faubourg Saint-Antoine seemingly tried to sell bread for thirty-four &lt;i&gt;sous&lt;/i&gt; which that morning had cost thirty. The woman to whom this happened caused an uproar and called her neighbors. The people gathered, furious with bakers in general. Soon their numbers reached eighteen hundred, and they looted all the bakers' houses in the faubourg from top to bottom, throwing dough and flour into the gutter. Some also profited from the occasion by stealing silver and silverware.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The guards, who are at the city gates during the day, arrived but were driven back by a shower of rocks. They had the presence of mind to close the three gates of the faubourg Saint-Antoine. They sent for a mounted patrol, which forced its way with swords into the midst of the crowd and fired three shots, leading to a general dispersal.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;All this is due to the controls on bread. Farmers are forbidden to bring wheat to market and bakers are given only a certain quantity of flour. The kind of bread baked is also regulated. Rolls and soft bread are no longer eaten in Paris.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Several signs have appeared in the mornings, one of them posted in the courtyard of the Palais-Royal, containing terrible rumors against the government and against Monsieur the Duke [of Orléans]. Just very recently, we have had to pay [two new taxes] and bread has been extraordinarily expensive. This is too much at once to take sitting down.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;(April, 1724)—Money has been devalued by one-third this year. . . . Order is being reestablished only with great difficulty, which highlights the danger of workers becoming accustomed to increased earnings. It was attractive for them to work only three days and to have enough to live on for the rest of the week.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It is obvious how far these lower-class individuals go in creating factions. In Paris there are perhaps four thousand stocking weavers. When the first devaluation took place, they wanted to have five &lt;i&gt;sous&lt;/i&gt; more per pair of stockings, and this the merchants were obliged to give them. With the second devaluation, the merchants wished to reduce this five &lt;i&gt;sous&lt;/i&gt; increase. The workers refused, the merchants complained, and the workers rebelled. They threatened to beat up those among them who would work for a lower wage, and they promised one &lt;i&gt;écu&lt;/i&gt; a day to those who would have no work and could not live without it. To do this, they chose a secretary who had a list of the jobless and a treasurer who distributed the stipend.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1718-00-00</text>
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                <text>E. J. F. Barbier, &lt;i&gt;Chronique de la regence et du regne de Louis XV ou journal de Barbier, &lt;/i&gt;vol. 1 &lt;i&gt;&lt;/i&gt;(Paris: G. Charpentier et Cie., 1857), 350–51, 399–403.</text>
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                <text>Bread was the basic staple of most people’s diets, and variations in the price of bread were keenly felt by the poor, especially by women who most frequently bought bread in the marketplace. Women would sometimes protest against what they thought to be unjust price increases for bread in what were known as "bread riots." As this excerpt shows, these were not usually violent, nor did they involve looting, but instead were a collective action designed to force bakers to sell bread at a "just" or "moral" price rather than at whatever price the market would allow. This passage is taken from a well–known chronicle of the reign of Louis XV by Etienne–Joseph Barbier.</text>
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                <text>359</text>
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                <text>A Bread Riot</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="11533">
                <text>1718</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;[&lt;i&gt;3 September 1792&lt;/i&gt;] . . . a courier arrived here yesterday afternoon with an account that the Prussians were some leagues on this side [of] Verdun. Immediately on receiving this intelligence the Legislative Assembly decreed that as universal an alarm as possible should be spread through the whole country in order that no time might be lost in preparing for the general defence; in consequence however of the fermentation excited in Paris by the sounding the Tocsin, firing the alarm guns and beating to arms, the people assembled in different parts of the town in a very tumultuous manner, and at about seven o'clock in the evening surrounded the church called l'Eglise des Carmes, where about 160 Priests &lt;i&gt;non sermentés&lt;/i&gt;, and taken into custody since the 10th, were confined. These unfortunate people fell victims to the fury of the enraged populace and were massacred with circumstances of barbarity too shocking to describe. The mob went afterwards to the prison of the Abbaye, and having demanded of the jailors a list of the prisoners they put aside such as were confined only for debt, and pulled to pieces most of the others. The same cruelties were committed during the night and continue this morning in all the other prisons of the town. When they have satiated their vengeance, which is principally directed against the refractory Priests, . . . it is to be hoped the tumult will subside, but as the multitude are perfectly masters, everything is to be dreaded. The Assembly deputed some of its most popular and most eloquent members to endeavour to bring the people to reason and a sense of their duty. These gentlemen escaped being insulted but were not listened to. The Royal Family were all safe and well late last night. It is impossible to describe to your Lordship the confusion and consternation which at present prevails here. The Prussians are advancing rapidly, they have already cut off the communication between the armies of Messrs Luckner and Dumouriez; and intelligence is just arrived that a detachment of 2000 men lately sent from hence to reinforce Verdun is fallen into the enemy's hands.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;[&lt;i&gt;14 September 1792&lt;/i&gt;] About one o'clock on Sunday forenoon three signal guns were fired, the Tocsin was rung, and one of the Municipality on horseback proclaimed in different parts of the city, that the enemy was at the gates, Verdun was besieged, and could only hold out a few days. The inhabitants were therefore ordered to assemble in their respective sections, and from thence to march to the Champ de Mars, where they were to select an army of sixty thousand men&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The first part of this proclamation was put in execution, but the second was totally neglected. . . . A party at the instigation of some one or other declared they would not quit Paris, as long as the prisons were filled with Traitors (for they called those so, that were confined in the different Prisons and Churches), who might in the absence of such a number of Citizens rise and not only effect the release of His Majesty, but make an entire counterrevolution. To prevent this, a large body of &lt;i&gt;sans-culottes&lt;/i&gt; . . . proceeded to the Church de Carmes, rue de Vaugirard, where amidst the acclamations of a savage mob they massacred a number of refractory Priests, all the Vicaires de Saint Sulpice, the directors of the Seminaries, and the Doctors of the Sorbonne, with the &lt;i&gt;ci-devant&lt;/i&gt; Archbishop of Arles, and a number of others, exceeding in all one hundred and seventy. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Many of the Municipality attended at the different prisons, and endeavoured to quell the fury of the people, but all in vain; they therefore proposed to the mob a plan of establishing a kind of Court of justice in the prisons, for the immediate trial of the remaining offenders. They caught at this, and two of the Municipality with a detachment of the mob, about two on Monday morning, began this strange Court of justice. The gaoler's list was called for, those that were confined for forging assignats, or theft, with the unhappy people that were any way suspected to be concerned in the affair of the 10th, were in general massacred; this form took place in nearly all the prisons in Paris. But early on Monday morning a detachment with seven pieces of cannon went to attack the Bicetre. It is reported that these wretches charged their cannon with small stones and such other things, and fired promiscuously among the prisoners. I cannot however vouch for this, they have however not finished their cruelties there yet, and it is now past six o'clock Tuesday evening. To be convinced of what I could not believe, I made a visit to the prison of the Abbaye about seven o'clock on Monday evening, for the slaughter had not ceased. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Two of the Municipality were then in the prison with some of the mob distributing their justice. Those they found guilty were seemingly released, but only to be precipitated by the door on a number of piques, and then among the savage cries of vive la nation, to be hacked to pieces by those that had swords and were ready to receive them. After this their dead bodies were dragged by the arms or legs to the Abbaye, which is distant from the prison about two hundred yards; here they were laid up in heaps till carts could carry them away. The kennel was swimming with blood, and a bloody track was traced from the prison to the Abbaye door where they had dragged these unfortunate people.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I was fortunate enough to be present when five men were acquitted. Such a circumstance, a by-stander told me, had not happened in the operations of this horrid tribunal; and these inconsistent murderers seemed nearly as much pleased at the acquittal of a prisoner as they were at his condemnation. The same congratulations attended the others that were acquitted and the same those that were condemned. Nothing can exceed the inconsistency of these people. After the general massacre of Sunday night many of the dead bodies were laid on the Pont-neuf to be claimed, a person in the action of stealing a handkerchief from one of the corpses was hacked to pieces on the spot, by the same people who had been guilty of so much cruelty and injustice.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1792-09-03</text>
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                <text>Oscar Browning, ed., &lt;i&gt;The Despatches of Earl Gower&lt;/i&gt; (Cambridge University Press, 1885), 213–16, 219–21, 223–28.</text>
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                <text>A British diplomat in Paris here describes, in dispatches back to London, the goings–on in Paris in early September, in light of news of advances by the Duke of Brunswick’s Prussian forces toward the capital. This diplomat was naturally most concerned with reporting the readiness of the Parisians to resist the British, which is evident in his focus on the National Assembly’s call to arms and the outbreak of popular violence.</text>
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                <text>393</text>
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                <text>A British Observer of the September Massacres</text>
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                <text>September 3, 1792</text>
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