72 10 1079 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Sortable Date 1798-06-22 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Martyn Lyons, Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution (London, Macmillan, 1994), p. 25. Description An account of the resource In his Proclamation, issued en route to Egypt, Bonaparte explained his aims and urged his soldiers to respect the customs of the Muslims. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 514 Title A name given to the resource Proclamation to the Army of Egypt (22 June 1798) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/514/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 22, 1798 Napoleon Bonaparte Public Opinion Text War https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/078266e453d418154057138175696856.jpg 4990b9eaeca274e6d9b7ec686604315c Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Sortable Date 1825-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Cornell Nap.14 Description An account of the resource Even when they resisted Napoleon’s efforts to control their destinies, contemporaries of all European nations were fascinated by the Napoleonic legend unfolding before their eyes. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 164 Title A name given to the resource Progression of Napoleon’s Life Relation A related resource http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/164/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1825 Image Napoleon Bonaparte https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/4edc5df333c30aba7d987bda31e563d6.jpg 343871353d94e4cd4400eab1286cd5be https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/b374b47b25e8ba16c6a16b3c03d239fd.jpg 658d1db8a6c7606cb529bfe90c927cc9 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Etching Physical Dimensions The actual physical size of the original image 32.5 x 43.5 cm Title (English) The image's title, in English. Promis'd horrors of the French invasion, or, Forcible reasons for negociating a regicide peace : vide, the authority of Edmund Burke Sortable Date 1796-10-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Museum of the French Revolution Description An account of the resource This highly sophisticated political cartoon by the noted engraver James Gillray from October 1796 responds to Edmund Burke’s pamphlet, "Reflections on a Regicide Peace." This image argues against further war with France to avoid bankrupting the British treasury and exposing England itself to invasion. This cartoon mocks that idea, attributing it to the supposedly "radical" tendencies of opposition leader Charles James Fox, who here is depicted as a sans–culotte with no pants at all, having tied his rival, Prime Minster William Pitt, to a "Liberty Tree." Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource James Gillray Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Unknown Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPEG Language A language of the resource English Title A name given to the resource Promised Horrors of the French Invasion or Forcible Reasons for Negotiation of a Regicide Peace. Vide, The Authority of Edmund Burke Relation A related resource http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/41/|Works of James Gillray, the Caricaturist with the History of his Life and Times. Edited by Thomas Wright. London Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1796 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 41 Counterrevolution Image Sans-culottes Event A non-persistent, time-based occurrence. Metadata for an event provides descriptive information that is the basis for discovery of the purpose, location, duration, and responsible agents associated with an event. Examples include an exhibition, webcast, conference, workshop, open day, performance, battle, trial, wedding, tea party, conflagration. Sortable Date 1713-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 911 Title A name given to the resource Promulgation of Papal Bull Unigenitus regarding Jansenism. Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/911/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1713 Timeline Event A non-persistent, time-based occurrence. Metadata for an event provides descriptive information that is the basis for discovery of the purpose, location, duration, and responsible agents associated with an event. Examples include an exhibition, webcast, conference, workshop, open day, performance, battle, trial, wedding, tea party, conflagration. Sortable Date 1802-04-18 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 1003 Title A name given to the resource Promulgation of the Concordat. Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/1003/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 18, 1802 Timeline Event A non-persistent, time-based occurrence. Metadata for an event provides descriptive information that is the basis for discovery of the purpose, location, duration, and responsible agents associated with an event. Examples include an exhibition, webcast, conference, workshop, open day, performance, battle, trial, wedding, tea party, conflagration. Sortable Date 1792-07-27 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 924 Title A name given to the resource Properties of émigrés confiscated. Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/924/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July 27, 1792 Timeline Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Protest of the Third Committee, 16 March 1787 The bureau, presided over by His Grace, the Duke of Orleans . . . considered that it owed the King and the nation an accounting of its true feelings, and considered that it needed to explain the disparity between the principles on which its judgments were based and those embodied in the memoranda it received. The bureau acknowledges that its principles are contrary to those in the memorandum on the establishment of provincial assemblies, which it considers unconstitutional and lacking in the powers necessary to render them useful. They also disagreed about the tax in kind known as the "land tax," which it considers to be vague, disproportionate, and extravagant, as well as on the reimbursement of the clergy's debts, which it considers to be contrary to the principles of property. The bureau believes itself obliged to also state that that it did not deliberate on any monetary tax, either already collected or to be collected, either already established or to be established, and either under the name of vingtièmes [twentieths] or any other name. Prior to any deliberation on these subjects, the bureau first desired to have access to the revenue and expenditure accounts, the plans and projects announced by the controller general, and the means of saving that His Majesty proposes to relieve the burden on his People. . . . Protest of the Fourth Committee, 15 March 1787 . . . The bureau presided over by His Grace the Prince de Condé . . . on the subject of the first memorandum, considers that the proposed composition of the provincial assemblies is contrary to the constitutive principles of the monarchy. As for the second memorandum, the bureau considers that the land tax in kind (which is its sole object) cannot be adopted, and that the third memorandum, dealing with the relief of the clergy [from its debt], would result in legitimate alarm regarding property. . . . Protest of the Fifth Committee, 9 March 1787 . . . The bureau considers that the establishment of provincial assemblies would be useful, but that the plan proposed in the memorandum, regardless of its many faults, seems to depart from the French constitution in that mixing the three orders destroys the hierarchy necessary for the maintenance of royal authority and the existence of the monarchy. The bureau proposes that these assemblies be given a form more in keeping with the constitution of the realm, and it begs His Majesty to invest them with all the authority necessary to allocate taxes, to tender contracts, and to decide upon, supervise, and pay for public works. It is the bureau's opinion that levying taxes in kind is not allowable, being by nature vague, disproportionate, unequal and extravagant. We believe that a monetary tax should be spread among all the lands of the realm, without exception and in proportion to their revenues. Also to convince the Notables of the taxes' necessity, extent and duration, His Majesty shall be asked to send them the accounts requested in their deliberation of 5 March allowing them to compare resources to needs. . . . The bureau approves of reimbursement of the clergy's debts, which was felt to be appropriate, but believes that the two measures proposed for this purpose . . . would place property at risk, contravene the principles of distributive justice, and in some respects could harm the general administration of the realm. . . . The bureau is of the opinion that the abolishment of the corvée in labor would be as just as it would be useful, and that all matters relating to the amount and apportionment of the [substitute] monetary tax, as well as the tendering of contracts, supervision, and payment for the resulting public works, should be entrusted to the provincial assemblies. . . . Sortable Date 1787-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived M. J. Mavidal and M. E. Laurent, eds., Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860, première série (1787 à 1799), 2d ed., 82 vols. (Paris: Dupont, 1879–1913), 1:219–21. Description An account of the resource To consider Calonne’s proposed reforms, the Assembly of Notables broke up into committees, each of which issued a report. In these reports, the Notables expressed general agreement with some reform proposals, including the idea of regional, representative assemblies. However, as we see below, various committees of the Assembly of Notables—composed almost entirely of provincial nobles and clergy—demanded that such assemblies take the form of provincial Estates. By this, they meant that representatives of each order would deliberate and vote separately—thus the assemblies would be dominated by the first and second estates. Furthermore, the Notables refused to consent to Calonne’s proposal of a general land tax that would be unlimited in amount and duration. Finally, they refused to accept any new taxation at all unless the minister demonstrated the need for it by opening royal treasury accounts to scrutiny. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 299 Title A name given to the resource Protests of the Third, Fourth, and Fifth Committees of the Assembly of Notables (1787) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/299/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1787 Public Opinion Text https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/37106ad12a5631947383ef11ba995a94.jpg 056d512454595d2a6db01fbaf200602d Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Sortable Date 1793-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived mfr 86.184 Description An account of the resource Surrounded by her children, this woman represents conventionality and respectability. Title A name given to the resource Provincial Painting—Minatures Relation A related resource http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/596/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1793-00-00 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 596 Image The Terror Women Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Many women have complained to us about the revolution. In numerous letters they report to us that for two years now it seems there is but one sex in France. In the primary assemblies [for voting], in the sections, in the clubs, etc., there is no longer any discussion about women, as if they no longer existed. They are accorded, as if by grace, a few benches for listening to the sessions of the National Assembly. Two or three women have appeared at the bar [spoken to the Assembly], but the audience was short, and the Assembly quickly passed on to the order of the day. Can the French people, some ask, not become free without ceasing to be gallant? Long ago, in the time of the Gauls, our good ancestors, women had a deliberative vote in the Estates of the nation; they voted just like men, and things did not go so badly. . . . The reign of the courtesans precipitated the ruin of the nation; the empire of queens consummated it. We saw a prince [Louis XV], too quickly loved by the people, degrade his character in the arms of several women1 [his mistresses] without modesty, and become, following the example of Nebuchadnezzar,2 a brute who wallowed with a disgusting cynicism in the filth of the dirtiest pleasures. We saw his successor [Louis XVI] share with the public his infatuation with a young, lively, and frivolous princess [Marie Antoinette], who began by shaking off the yoke of etiquette as if practicing for one day shattering that of the laws. Soon following the lessons of her mother [Maria Theresa, empress of Austria], she profited from her ascendancy over little things to interfere in great ones and to influence the destiny of an entire people. . . . Solemn publicists3 have seriously proposed taking the road of conciliation; they have maintained that women enjoy the rights of citizenship like men and should have entry to all public assemblies, even to those that constitute or legislate for the nation. They have claimed that women have the right to speak as much as men. No doubt, and this power has never been denied them. But nature, from which society should not depart except in spite of itself, has prescribed to each sex its respective functions; a household should never remain deserted for a single instant. When the father of a family leaves to defend or lay claim to the rights of property, security, equality, or liberty in a public assembly, the mother of the family, focused on her domestic duties, must make order and cleanliness, ease and peace reign at home. Women have never shown this sustained and strongly pronounced taste for civil and political independence, this ardor to which everything cedes, which inspires in men so many great deeds, so many heroic actions. This is because civil and political liberty is in a manner of speaking useless to women and in consequence must be foreign to them. Destined to pass all their lives confined under the paternal roof or in the house of their marriage; born to a perpetual dependence from the first moment of their existence until that of their decease, they have only been endowed with private virtues. The tumult of camps, the storms of public places, the agitations of the tribunals are not at all suitable for the second sex. To keep her mother company, soften the worries of a spouse, nourish and care for her children, these are the only occupations and true duties of a woman. A woman is only comfortable, is only in her place in her family or in her household. She need only know what her parents or her husband judge appropriate to teach her about everything that takes place outside her home. Women! . . . The liberty of a people has for its basis good morals and education, and you are its guardians and first dispensers. . . . Appear in the midst of our national festivals with all the brilliance of your virtues and your charms! When the voice of the public acclaims the heroism and wisdom of a young citizen, then a mother rises and leads her young, beautiful and modest daughter to the tribunal where crowns are distributed; the young virgin seizes one of them and goes herself to set it on the forehead of the acclaimed citizen. . . . Citizenesses of all ages and all stations! Leave your homes all at the same time; rally from door to door and march toward city hall. . . . Armed with burning torches, present yourselves at the gates of the palace of your tyrants and demand reparation. . . . If the enemy, victorious thanks to disagreements between patriots, insists upon putting his plan of counterrevolution into action. . . you must avail yourself of every means, bravery and ruses, arms and poison; contaminate the fountains, the foodstuffs; let the atmosphere be charged with the seeds of death. . . . Once the country is purged of all these hired brigands, citizenesses! We will see you return to your dwellings to take up once again the accustomed yoke of domestic duties. Notes of Prudhomme: 1. Madame du Barry among others. 2. Nebuchadnezzar was king of Babylonia 605–562 BCE. 3. M. Condorcet, among others, in a number of the journal of the club of 1789. Sortable Date 1791-02-12 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The materials listed below appeared originally in The French Revolution and Human Rights: A Brief Documentary History, translated, edited, and with an introduction by Lynn Hunt (Bedford/St. Martin's: Boston/New York), 1996, 129–31. Description An account of the resource Louis–Marie Prudhomme founded the Révolutions of Paris, one of the best–known radical newspapers of the French Revolution. In this editorial, he responds to women’s criticisms of the Revolution and outlines a theory of women’s "natural" domesticity. He stopped publication of his paper in 1794 in response to the growing violence of the Terror. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 483 Title A name given to the resource Prudhomme, "On the Influence of the Revolution on Women" (12 February 1791) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/483/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource February 12, 1791 Middle Classes – Bourgeoisie Public Opinion Text Women Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document . . . For two or three weeks now, in working-class gatherings, in the sections, at the bishop's palace, in the Commune, and even at the Convention, there has been talk about firing a warning shot, of raising the alarm, of sounding general quarters. Every citizen was asked to rise up because the need to add another round to that of August 10th had been felt most strongly. The meeting, which has been proposed several times by the two parties that are tearing the Convention in half, was rejected as unworkable, useless, even deadly. As Billaud-Varennes said to the Jacobins, "It is not possible for virtue to ally itself with crime," and we totally agree with him. As gold must be extracted from its alloy, it was the natural result, and it seems as if that was where the petition that was proposed against the 22 [deputies] was heading. This measure's lack of success gave rise to threats and calls for revenge. From that point to hatching a plot was but one step, and it was all that was required to make it believable, real, and actually carried out. This gave the Right the idea of seizing the first opportunity, once it was in the majority, of establishing an authority capable of disconcerting the conspiracy, or at least of imposing that authority on its authors. . . . Because of its people and its wisdom, Paris is still, and always will be, the most worthy city in the entire empire of defending the national legislature and bringing it respect. All of these vows, and many others more secret, necessarily resulted in an explosion, or at least in the development of that public spirit that continues to enliven Paris and leads it to a moral revolution or another 20 June. And this was the true conspiracy, the "despicable conspiracy," that the deputies of the Right dreaded so much. The day before, Paris seemed to be totally calm. However, that evening the sections, more heated than they had been in the preceding two or three months, were getting ready for the next day's grand spectacle. The Convention broke up at four o'clock in the afternoon, but forewarned by one party about what was supposed to happen, the deputies reconvened at eight o'clock in the evening. Finally, all the revolutionary instruments were ready. At three o'clock on Friday morning, 31 May, the alarm sounded in several parts of the city and quickly spread to all the others. Upon this signal the recall, and even the general alarm, were sounded. If the mood wasn't uniform, the concert of wills proved to be perfect. Everyone ran to their post, meaning to their sections. However, in several streets, the means that we have already mentioned were being used. The citizens stood guard in front of their doors. At eight o'clock there were more than 100,000 men under arms, united, brothers, all determined to perish before letting the national legislature be threatened. Not that the public hadn't clearly expressed its opinion about certain members of the Convention, but as a body, Parisians will defend the legislature to the death. Everyone was already in this frame of mind, and the behavior exhibited during the course of this day proved it beyond a doubt and reassured the women, mothers above all, and pregnant wives, whose patriotism is not up to the test of these great upheavals. A good woman and citizen is far removed from those women who run through the streets under a banner that is not one of decency and civic responsibility. . . . Towards seven o'clock the commissioners from most of the sections of Paris appeared before the assembled general council. After the verification of their authority, they adjourned the old city council and the next minute reinstated it under the title of the Revolutionary and Provisional Commune. Then they devoted themselves to the important happenings of the day. Various decrees befitting the occasion were passed, and one proposal, among others, was to tear down the aristocratic posters that could be found on the walls of the world's first free city. However, out of respect for the vague freedom of the press, this proposition was not adopted. . . . We were right when we said in the last edition that a project to assassinate a certain number of deputies could not be carried out in Paris. The 31st of May was good proof of that. What an imposing effect Paris offered. Close to 300,000 citizens were under arms because all the urban areas in the department, and even beyond (5,000 men rushed over from Versailles), hurried to add their numbers to this peaceful insurrection. Let us say that there were 300,000 citizens assembled at the first sound of the alarm, anxious to demonstrate under the gaze of the entire Republic their devotedness to the homeland and their respect for the law! What a lesson for 700 still-divided lawmakers, i.e., that harmony and fraternity reigned amongst 300,000 citizens! And an entire day was spent like this, exceedingly proud, but also calm and quiet. A federation was requested. Is there any revolutionary day more perfect, which was not premeditated or begged for? All of Paris arose as one and seemed to say to the slanderers, "Vile sort, write to the departments, go tell them that Paris is a city of murder and pillage. Go tell them that the national legislature daily runs risks in the heart of this city, and that, sooner or later, our walls will be covered with the blood of the Republic's lawmakers." Oh! What a shame that the departments were not witness to the solemnity of the 31st of May, since it was a sort of national holiday. If only they could see the people of Paris en masse, they would know that the People are sensitive to insults, they are great, they are generous, and they sacrifice their feelings for their rights and for the salvation of the fatherland. If we were to give them up to themselves, they would respect themselves and bring respect to the precious object that they have in their custody. The day of 31 May is truly their work. And the sublime totality of this spectacle was due neither to the Convention nor to the constituted authorities. Neither decree nor regulations were needed to maintain order. Things would not have gone so smoothly if the Convention and the other powers that be had not been content to be spectators of the this far-reaching movement. When action does nothing but impose silence on slander, it has already accomplished a great deal. It is said that 31 May had been prepared with another aim entirely. Anarchists are mentioned, as are seditionists. But this day shall prove to them that their moment has passed. Today, the citizens of Paris are too enlightened to be in a mood to cut each other's throats to please this or that faction. As each day passes, a civil war becomes more and more impracticable. Sortable Date 1793-05-31 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Les Révolutions de Paris (1793), 422–29. Description An account of the resource Throughout the spring of 1793, radicals in the Convention, in the Paris Commune, and in the sections struggled for power against Jean–Pierre Brissot and his allies, known as the "Girondins." They differed over how the revolution should be affected by popular pressure. In late May, Robespierre proposed a motion that accused the Girondins of being a threat to the Republic and ordered their arrest. When the moderate deputies of the "Plain" resisted passing this measure, radicals from the sections mobilized over the course of three days, from 31 May to 2 June, culminating in a show of force by surrounding the Convention Hall. Duly intimidated, the Convention deputies voted for the measure. But even though the die was cast, most Jacobins were uneasy about resorting to such a direct threat that might later undermine their authority. Twenty–nine deputies from the Girondin faction were expelled from the Convention and placed under house arrest. In the aftermath of the coup, the radical faction known as "the Mountain," which usually followed Robespierre’s lead, took control of the Convention and the Committee of Public Safety. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 394 Title A name given to the resource Prudhomme’s Description of the Coup against the Girondins (31 May–2 June 1793) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/394/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 31, 1793 Clubs Popular Politics Public Opinion Sans-culottes Text The Terror