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              <text>&lt;p&gt;He foresaw that peace would be popular in France, because the passions were subsiding into tranquility, and the people were becoming weary of sacrifices; he therefore signed the treaty of Campo-Formio with Austria. But this treaty contained the surrender of the Venetian Republic; and it is not easy to conceive how he succeeded in prevailing upon the Directory, which yet was in some respects republican, to commit what, according to its own principles, was the greatest possible enormity. From the date of this proceeding, no less arbitrary than the partition of Poland, there no longer existed in the government of France the slightest respect for any political doctrine, and the reign of one man began when the dominion of principle was at an end. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; It was with this sentiment, at least, that I saw him for the first time at Paris. I could not find words to reply to him, when he came to me to say, that he had sought my father at Coppet, and that he regretted having passed into Switzerland without seeing him. But, when I was a little recovered from the confusion of admiration, a strongly marked sentiment of fear succeeded. Bonaparte, at that time, had no power; he was even believed to be not a little threatened by the captious suspicions of the Directory; so that the fear which he inspired was caused only by the singular effect of his person upon nearly all who approached him. I had seen men highly worthy of esteem; I had likewise seen monsters of ferocity: there was nothing in the effect which Bonaparte produced on me that could bring back to my recollection either the one or the other. I soon perceived, in the different opportunities which I had of meeting him during his stay in Paris, that his character could not be defined by the words which we commonly use; he was neither good, nor violent, nor gentle, nor cruel, after the manner of individuals of whom we have any knowledge. Such a being had no fellow, and therefore could neither feel nor excite sympathy: he was more or less than man. His cast of character, his understanding, his language, were stamped with the impress of an unknown nature;—an additional advantage, as we have elsewhere observed, for the subjugation of Frenchmen. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Far from recovering my confidence by seeing Bonaparte more frequently, he constantly intimidated me more and more. I had a confused feeling that no emotion of the heart could act upon him. He regards a human being as an action or a thing, not as a fellow creature. He does not hate more than he loves; for him nothing exists but himself; all other creatures are cyphers. The force of his will consists in the impossibility of disturbing the calculations of his egotism; he is an able chess-player, and the human race is the opponent to whom he proposes to give check mate. His successes depend as much on the qualities in which he is deficient as on the talents which he possesses. Neither pity, nor allurement, nor religion, nor attachment to any idea whatsoever, could turn him aside from his principal direction. He is for his self-interest what the just man should be for virtue; if the end were good, his perseverance would be noble. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Every time that I heard him speak, I was struck with his superiority; yet it had no similitude to that of men instructed and cultivated by study or society, such as those of whom France and England can furnish examples. But his discourse indicated a fine perception of circumstances, such as the sportsman has of the game which he pursues. Sometimes he related the political and military events of his life in a very interesting manner; he had even somewhat of Italian imagination in narratives which allowed of gaiety. Yet nothing could triumph over my invincible aversion for what I perceived in him. I felt in his soul a cold sharp-edged sword, which froze the wound that it inflicted; I perceived in his understanding a profound irony, from which nothing great or beautiful, not even his own glory could escape; for he despised the nation whose suffrages he wished, and no spark of enthusiasm was mingled with his desire of astonishing the human race. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; It was in the interval between the return of Bonaparte and his departure for Egypt, that is to say, about the end of 1797, that I saw him several times at Paris; and never could I dissipate the difficulty of breathing which I experienced in his presence. I was one day at table between him and the Abbé Sieyès;—a singular situation, if I had been able to foresee what afterwards happened. I examined the figure of Bonaparte with attention; but whenever he discovered that my looks were fixed upon him, he had the art of taking away all expression from his eyes, as if they had been turned into marble. His countenance was then immovable, except a vague smile which his lip assumed at random, to mislead anyone who might wish to observe the external signs of what was passing within. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; The Abbé Sieyès conversed during dinner unaffectedly and fluently, as suited a mind of his degree of strength. He expressed himself concerning my father with a sincere esteem. “He is the only man,” said he, “who has ever united the most perfect precision in the calculations of a great financier to the imagination of a poet.” This eulogium pleased me, because it characterized him. Bonaparte, who heard it, also said some obliging things concerning my father and me, but like a man who takes no interest in individuals whom he cannot make use of in the accomplishment of his own ends. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; His figure, at that time thin and pale, was rather agreeable; he has since grown fat, which does not become him; for we can scarcely tolerate a character which inflicts so many sufferings on others, if we do not believe it to be a torment to the person himself. As his stature is short, and his waist very long, he appeared to much more advantage on horseback than on foot. In every respect it is war, and only war, which suits him. His manners in society are constrained, without timidity; he has an air of vulgarity when he is at his ease, and of disdain when he is not: disdain suits him best, and accordingly he indulges in it without scruple. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; By a natural vocation to the regal office, he already addressed trifling questions to all who were presented to him. Are you married? was his question to one of the guests. How many children have you? he said to another. How long is it since you arrived? When do you set out? and other interrogations of a similar kind, which establish the superiority of him who puts them over those who submit to be thus questioned. He already took delight in the art of embarrassing, by saying disagreeable things; an art which he has since reduced into a system, as he has every other mode of subjugating men by degrading them. At this epoch, however, he had a desire to please, for he confined to his own thoughts the project of overturning the Directory, and substituting himself in its stead; but in spite of this desire, one would have said that, unlike the prophet, he cursed involuntarily, though he intended to bless. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>[Anne-Louise-Germaine], Baroness de Sta‘l, Considerations on the Principal Events of the French Revolution, ed. Duke de Broglie and Baron de Sta‘l, 3 vols. (London: Baldwin, Cradock, and Joy, 1818), II: pp. 196-201; III: 159-162.</text>
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                <text>De Staël was the daughter of Jacques Necker, Louis XVI’s Swiss Protestant finance minister. She published novels, literary tracts, and memoirs and became one of the best-known writers of the early nineteenth century. Napoleon exiled her in 1803. In the following excerpts, she describes her first meetings with him in 1797 and her judgment of the man.</text>
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                <text>Germaine de Staël, a French Writer Exiled by Napoleon</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Thus terminates in exile, and in prison, the most extraordinary life yet known to political history. The vicissitudes of such a life, indeed, are the most valuable lessons which history can furnish. Connected with, and founded on, the principles of his character, the varieties of fortune which Buonaparte experienced are of a nature to illustrate the most useful maxims of benevolence, patriotism, or discretion. They embrace both extremes of the condition of man in society, and therefore address themselves to all ranks of human beings. But Buonaparte was our enemy—our defeated enemy—and, as Englishmen, we must not tarnish our triumphs over the living warrior by unmanly injustice towards the dead. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; . . . It may, we confess, be no satisfaction to the French, nor any great consolation to the rest of Europe, to know through what means it was, or by what vicious training, that Buonaparte was fitted, nay, predestined almost, to be a scourge and destroyer of the rights of nations, instead of employing a power irresistible, and which, in such a cause, none would have felt disposed to resist, for the promotion of knowledge, peace, and liberty throughout the world. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; . . . But he had left himself no resource. He had extinguished liberty in France, and had no hold upon his subjects, but their love of military glory. Conquest, therefore, succeeded to conquest, until nothing capable of subjugation was left to be subdued. Insolence, and rapacity, in the victor, produced, among the enslaved nations, impatience of their misery, and a thirst for vengeance. Injustice undermined itself, and Buonaparte, with his unseasoned empire, fell together, the pageant of a day. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>J. Ashton, English Caricature and Satire on napoleon the First, 2 vols. (London, 1884): II: pp. 261-264.</text>
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                <text>On the occasion of Napoleon’s death, the leading English paper expressed the view of the English establishment: hatred of his despotic rule, yet a kind of sneaking admiration of his “extraordinary life.”</text>
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                <text>The View of the &lt;i&gt;London Times&lt;/i&gt; (5 July 1821)</text>
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                <text>July 5, 1821</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;BORN 15 AUG. 1769 &lt;br /&gt;DIED 5 MAY 1821. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; He put his foot on the neck of Kings, who would have put their yokes upon the necks of the People: he scattered before him with fiery execution, millions of hired slaves, who came at the bidding of their Masters to deny the right of others to be free. The monument of greatness and of Glory he erected, was raised on ground forfeited again and again to humanity—it reared its majestic front on the ruins of the shattered hopes and broken faith of the common enemies of mankind. . . . &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>J. Ashton, English Caricature and Satire on napoleon the First, 2 vols. (London, 1884): II: 265.</text>
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                <text>Some in the popular classes saw in Napoleon an opponent of monarchs.</text>
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                <text>A Popular English Broadside (1821)</text>
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                <text>Martyn Lyons, Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution (London, Macmillan, 1994), pp. 153-154.</text>
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                <text>The poet and politician Alphonse de Lamartine wrote in his memoirs about the inspirational effects of popular prints of Napoleonic battles.</text>
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                <text>Memoirs of the Poet Alphonse de Lamartine</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;TO THE COLUMN. &lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Two stanzas. &lt;br /&gt; Alas! alas! keep thy lone tomb, &lt;br /&gt; And keep thy barren sea-splashed rock, &lt;br /&gt; Where thou didst dash three like a bomb, &lt;br /&gt; To fall with fiery smoking shock! &lt;br /&gt; Thy rugged St. Helena keep, &lt;br /&gt; Where, of thy fortune's proudest steep, &lt;br /&gt; The dazed eye sees the sad reverse; &lt;br /&gt; Keep the still shade thy grave receives, &lt;br /&gt; Beneath thy willow tree, whose leaves, &lt;br /&gt; Are scattered through the universe. &lt;br /&gt; There, free from outrage, dost thou sleep, &lt;br /&gt; And, oft aroused, thou near dost feel &lt;br /&gt; Those who from rage and sorrow weep— &lt;br /&gt; The red-clad soldiers o'er thee kneel. &lt;br /&gt; There thou, if e'er thou earth reseek, &lt;br /&gt; Shalt see from some commanding peak, &lt;br /&gt; Upon the world of waters pale, &lt;br /&gt; Bound for the rocky sea-girt hearth, &lt;br /&gt; As the true center of the earth, &lt;br /&gt; Ships of each clime, and realm, and sail. &lt;br /&gt; 9 October 1830. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Henry Carrington, Translations from the Poems of Victor Hugo (London: Walter Scott, 1885), pp. 85-86.</text>
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                <text>In his poem “To the Column,” the great French poet Victor Hugo celebrates the memory of Napoleon.</text>
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                <text>1830</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The nonjuring priests have sown division within almost all of the cantons of our department. Armed with the flame they took from the altar, they want to scorch the earth. The fatherly house is no longer the school of virtues. The father has taken up arms against the son, and respect and filial piety have disappeared. The mother is fleeing the temples . . . friendship seems to have abandoned the earth, which, in turn, wants to devour its inhabitants. Such are the problems that the priests have created. They penetrate every house, upset people's consciences, and seduce the weak. A few months ago, the bishop representing the eastern cities sent an administrator to be the parish priest of Grand-Sancey, in the district of Beaune [in Burgundy], where the local priest had not taken the oath. The administrator went to his post and then visited the county's public prosecutor to take the necessary steps in order to proceed with his installation. But the priest he was to replace soon learned about it. . . . All of a sudden, a deafening noise echoed throughout the parish that the inhabitants were going to lose their priest, and that he was to be replaced by a heretic. At the same moment, men, women, old folks, all hurried to the home of the public prosecutor and haughtily demanded, "Where is this heretical priest who comes to chase away our priest?" The administrator, named Vernier, tried in vain to escape. He was grabbed by the frenzied crowd and dragged from his house. They took him to the river to push him in. By some sort of miracle, he managed to escape, but not until he had endured a rain of insults and had to make a million promises.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In Besançon itself, where they [refractory priests] are watched, they say that "a new Saint Bartholomew's day massacre is needed to bring back the old religion and reestablish peace in the city.". . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Fanaticism has spread throughout the department. Everywhere, the nonjurers have organized. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In the region of Pontarlier, made up of over seventy small towns, there are not ten constitutional priests. And, for lack of substitutes, the rest have not been replaced. Twelve nonjuring priests remain in Montliver, a large town in the same region, and keep themselves busy by tormenting those who had the courage to take charge of the parish . . . [other examples follow.]&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;And Louis XVI grants the protection of his veto to these brigands!&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1792-01-08</text>
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                <text>P. Robinet, &lt;i&gt;Le Mouvement religieux à Paris pendant la Révolution&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 2 (Paris: 1896&lt;i&gt;&lt;/i&gt;–1898), 141–&lt;i&gt;43. &lt;i&gt;&lt;/i&gt;Translated by &lt;i&gt;Exploring the French Revolution &lt;/i&gt;project staff from original documents in French found in J.M. Roberts, &lt;i&gt;French Revolution Documents&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 1 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1966), 387–88.&lt;/i&gt;</text>
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                <text>A Jacobin club in Besançon in the Franche–Comté on the eastern borders of France sent this report to the Jacobin Club of Paris on 8 January 1792. The club sees the continuing presence of those who did not take the clerical oath to the new regime ["nonjurors"] as a destabilizing factor and is concerned that their agitation will turn to open resistance. This worry would become more and more widespread in 1793, particularly in the west, but the roots of the problem can be seen here.</text>
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                <text>548</text>
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                <text>Report by the Jacobin Society of Besançon on Refractory Priests</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/548/</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="10823">
                <text>January 8, 1792</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Sir, I seek to enlighten you about a threat that you would have regretted not having foreseen. Blood is about to flow, everything is ready, and if the ministry waits any longer, it will not be a few regiments that you will have to send this way, but an army. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Arles is in a complete state of counterrevolution. The city is dug in. They have seized some cannons and rifles that the ministry left for them. Patriots are treated cruelly, and already seven to eight hundred of them have left. They have a rally button there that the men are wearing on their lapels, and the women are wearing as rings. I just saw an example of one. The more foolhardy among them are wearing a white cockade, but the mayor said that it was not yet time to wear it. They have chased away those priests who took the oath and reinstalled those who had refused. The patriots dare not either complain or write to their friends, lest they be hung. They are recruiting people from the surrounding areas and have sent emissaries to Jallès, where they were told that money would not be a problem. They are equipped with boats so that they can have access to the sea, but we should not spring into action unless war is declared. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Additionally, Aigues-Mortes, which chased away its priest, is in a difficult mood. They refused to accept the frontier guards whose vigilance they feared, and everything points to the idea that they hoped to receive help from the sea. They also rallied partisans from the towns along the Rhône in order to make a connection between the sea and Avignon, a town that we have been rambling on too much about. . . . You will receive well-worded denials and well-acted protestations of how attached to France they are, but it is Italian powder that is blinding us, until the time comes when we explode. And if you notice, Sir, that these plans have existed and spread in the Midi for two years, and if you also notice that Spain is our most bitter enemy and that there is nothing easier for her to do than to give aid to the rebels by means of coastal boats, this matter will seem to you, I hope, worthy of your attention.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="10734">
              <text>1791-02-27</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="3907">
                <text>&lt;i&gt; La Révolution française&lt;/i&gt;, 105 vols. (Paris, 1881–1934), 35:270–73. Translated by &lt;i&gt;Exploring the French Revolution &lt;/i&gt;project staff from original documents in French found in J.M. Roberts, &lt;i&gt;French Revolution Documents&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 1 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1966), 388–91.</text>
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                <text>In this document, Jean–Paul Rabaut de Saint–Étienne, a Protestant pastor from Nîmes who had been a deputy to the National Assembly and who would later be elected to the National Convention, warns the central government of the ongoing violence in the Midi and the role of refractory priests and religious issues in that violence. Throughout southern France, revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries were involved in a struggle for power within the municipalities and more broadly. Rabaut de Saint–Étienne fears what would happen to the Revolution and by implication its supporters if, with help from abroad, counterrevolutionaries should seize control of the region.</text>
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                <text>549</text>
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                <text>Letter from Rabaut de Saint–Étienne to the Minister of the Interior (27 February 1791)</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/549/</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="10733">
                <text>February 27, 1791</text>
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        <name>Economic Conditions</name>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;3 OCTOBER. Today the King's bodyguards gave a magnificent feast in the opera house at the palace of Versailles. The guests were the officers of the Flanders regiment, the Montmorency dragoons, the Swiss guards, the Swiss regiments, the Cent Suisses regiment, and others, including a few officers of the Versailles National Guard. During the meal there were toasts to the health of the King, the Queen, the Dauphin, and all the royal family. A toast to the nation had been suggested and, according . . . to many who were present, the royal guards expressly rejected this idea.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;When the King returned from hunting he was brought to see the spectacle. . . . The Queen, holding her son by the hand, stepped forward to the entrance of the hall, which immediately rang with applause and acclaim. All the guests, drawn swords in hand, drank to the health of the august persons who honored them with their presence. The royal visitors accepted this homage and withdrew.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;From this moment, the banquet degenerated into an orgy. Everyone's mind became heated by wine. . . . Someone sounded the charge, and the opera boxes were scaled. Finally, amidst highly indecent suggestions, someone dared to insult the national tri-color cockade and toasted the white cockade which had been displayed by, amongst others, several captains of the Versailles National Guard.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The central courtyard of the palace then saw the most scandalous disorder. Royal bodyguards and officers spewed out terrible curses against the National Assembly . . . [while] peaceful citizens were bewildered by such tumult and excess. Versailles remained uneasy until the revelers were finally reduced to total inaction through fatigue and drunkenness.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="10589">
              <text>1789-10-03</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="3901">
                <text>Jean-Sylvain Bailly, &lt;i&gt;Mémoires d'un témoin de la révolution,&lt;/i&gt; vol. 3 (Paris: Baudoin, 1821), 1–3.</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="3902">
                <text>Military officers in several regiments of the royal army favored a military strike to dispel the National Assembly, but by the fall of 1789 they saw clearly that this order would not be given. Their frustration with the National Assembly’s affront to the dignity of the royal family became evident to all on 3 October, in an event recorded by Bailly, then mayor of Paris, in his memoirs.</text>
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                <text>550</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="10586">
                <text>Royalists Desecrate the Revolutionary Cockade (3 October 1789)</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/550/</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="10588">
                <text>October 3, 1789</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="3899">
              <text>&lt;p&gt;ARTICLE I. The National Assembly hereby completely abolishes the feudal system. It decrees that, among the existing rights and dues, both feudal and censuel, all those originating in or representing real or personal serfdom or personal servitude, shall be abolished without indemnification. All other dues are declared redeemable, the terms and mode of redemption to be fixed by the National Assembly. Those said dues which are not extinguished by this decree shall continue to be collected until indemnification shall take place.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;II. The exclusive right to maintain pigeon-houses and dovecotes is abolished. The pigeons shall be confined during the seasons fixed by the community. During such periods they shall be looked upon as game, and every one shall have the right to kill them upon his own land.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;III. The exclusive right to hunt and to maintain unenclosed warrens is likewise abolished, and every landowner shall have the right to kill or to have destroyed on his own land all kinds of game, observing, however, such police regulations as may be established with a view to the safety of the public.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;All hunting captainries, including the royal forests, and all hunting rights under whatever denomination, are likewise abolished. Provision shall be made, however, in a manner compatible with the regard due to property and liberty, for maintaining the personal pleasures of the King.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The president of the Assembly shall be commissioned to ask of the King the recall of those sent to the galleys or exiled, simply for violations of the hunting regulations, as well as for the release of those at present imprisoned for offenses of this kind, and the dismissal of such cases as are now pending.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;IV. All manorial courts are hereby suppressed without indemnification. But the magistrates of these courts shall continue to perform their functions until such time as the National Assembly shall provide for the establishment of a new judicial system.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;V. Tithes of every description, as well as the dues which have been substituted for them, under whatever denomination they are known or collected (even when compounded for), possessed by secular or regular congregations, by holders of benefices, members of corporations (including the Order of Malta and other religious and military orders), as well as those devoted to the maintenance of churches, those impropriated to lay persons, and those substituted for the &lt;i&gt;portion congrue&lt;/i&gt;, are abolished, on condition, however, that some other method be devised to provide for the expenses of divine worship, the support of the officiating clergy, for the assistance of the poor, for repairs and rebuilding of churches and parsonages, and for the maintenance of all institutions, seminaries, schools, academies, asylums, and organizations to which the present funds are devoted. Until such provision shall be made and the former possessors shall enter upon the enjoyment of an income on the new system, the National Assembly decrees that the said tithes shall continue to be collected according to law and in the customary manner.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Other tithes, of whatever nature they may be, shall be redeemable in such manner as the Assembly shall determine. Until such regulation shall be issued, the National Assembly decrees that these, too, shall continue to be collected.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;VI. All perpetual ground rents, payable either in money or in kind, of whatever nature they may be, whatever their origin and to whomsoever they may be due, as to members of corporations, holders of the domain or appanages or to the Order of Malta, shall be redeemable. &lt;i&gt;Champarts&lt;/i&gt;, of every kind and under all denominations, shall likewise be redeemable at a rate fixed by the Assembly. No due shall in the future be created which is not redeemable.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;VII. The sale of judicial and municipal offices shall be suppressed forthwith. Justice shall be dispensed &lt;i&gt;gratis&lt;/i&gt;. Nevertheless, the magistrates at present holding such offices shall continue to exercise their functions and to receive their emoluments until the Assembly shall have made provision for indemnifying them.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;VIII. The fees of the country priests are abolished, and shall be discontinued as soon as provision shall be made for increasing the minimum salary of the parish priests and the payment to the curates. A regulation shall be drawn up to determine the status of the priests in the towns.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;IX. Pecuniary privileges, personal or real, in the payment of taxes are abolished forever. Taxes shall be collected from all the citizens, and from all property, in the same manner and in the same form. Plans shall be considered by which the taxes shall be paid proportionally by all, even for the last six months of the current year.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;X. Inasmuch as a national constitution and public liberty are of more advantage to the provinces than the privileges which some of these enjoy, and inasmuch as the surrender of such privileges is essential to the intimate union of all parts of the realm [empire], it is decreed that all the peculiar privileges, pecuniary or otherwise, of the provinces, principalities, districts [&lt;i&gt;pays&lt;/i&gt;], cantons, cities, and communes, are once and for all abolished and are absorbed into the law common to all Frenchmen.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XI. All citizens, without distinction of birth, are eligible to any office or dignity, whether ecclesiastical, civil, or military; and no profession shall imply any derogation.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XII. Hereafter no remittances shall be made for &lt;i&gt;annates&lt;/i&gt; or for any other purpose to the court of Rome, the vice-legation at Avignon, or to the nunciature at Lucerne. The clergy of the diocese shall apply to their bishops in regard to the filling of benefices and dispensations, which shall be granted &lt;i&gt;gratis&lt;/i&gt; without regard to reservations, expectancies, and papal months, all the churches of France enjoying the same freedom.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XIII. The rights of &lt;i&gt;dèport&lt;/i&gt;, of &lt;i&gt;cotte-morte&lt;/i&gt;, &lt;i&gt;dèpouilles&lt;/i&gt;, &lt;i&gt;vacat&lt;/i&gt;, &lt;i&gt;droits&lt;/i&gt;, &lt;i&gt;censaux&lt;/i&gt;, Peter's pence, and other dues of the same kind, under whatever denomination, established in favor of bishops, archdeacons, archpresbyters, chapters, and regular congregations which formerly exercised priestly functions, are abolished, but appropriate provision shall be made for those benefices of archdeacons and archpresbyters which are not sufficiently endowed.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XIV. Pluralities shall not be permitted hereafter in cases where the revenue from the benefice or benefices held shall exceed the sum of three thousand &lt;i&gt;livres&lt;/i&gt;. Nor shall any individual be allowed to enjoy several pensions from benefices, or a pension and a benefice, if the revenue which he already enjoys from such sources exceeds the same sum of three thousand &lt;i&gt;livres&lt;/i&gt;.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XV. The National Assembly shall consider, in conjunction with the King, the report which is to be submitted to it relating to pensions, favors, and salaries, with a view to suppressing all such as are not deserved and reducing those which shall prove excessive; and the amount shall be fixed which the King may in future disburse for this purpose.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XVI. The National Assembly decrees that a medal shall be struck in memory of the recent grave and important deliberations for the welfare of France, and that a &lt;i&gt;Te Deum&lt;/i&gt; shall be chanted in gratitude in all the parishes and the churches of France.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XVII. The National Assembly solemnly proclaims the King, Louis XVI, the Restorer of French Liberty.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XVIII. The National Assembly shall present itself in a body before the King, in order to submit to him the decrees which have just been passed, to tender to him the tokens of its most respectful gratitude, and to pray him to permit the &lt;i&gt;Te Deum&lt;/i&gt; to be chanted in his chapel, and to be present himself at this service.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XIX. The National Assembly shall consider, immediately after the constitution, the drawing up of the laws necessary for the development of the principles which it has laid down in the present decree. The latter shall be transmitted without delay by the deputies to all the provinces, together with the decree of the tenth of this month, in order that it may be printed, published, announced from the parish pulpits, and posted up wherever it shall be deemed necessary.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Merrick Whitcomb, ed., &lt;i&gt;Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 6 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania History Department, 1899), 2–5.</text>
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                <text>The abolition of the feudal system, which took place during the famous night session of 4–5 August 1789, was precipitated by the reading of a report about the misery and disturbances in the provinces. The report was adopted in a fervor of enthusiasm and excitement, which made some later revision necessary. The decree was drawn up during the following days and contains some alterations and important amplifications of the original provisions as passed in the early morning of 5 August.</text>
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                <text>Decree of the National Assembly Abolishing the Feudal System (11 August 1789)</text>
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                <text>August 11, 1789</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;In the centre of the hall, under a statue of justice, holding scales in one hand, and a sword in the other, with the book of laws by her side, sat Dumas, the president, with the other judges. Under them were seated the public accuser, Fouquier-Tinville, and his scribes. Three coloured ostrich plumes waved over their turned-up hats, &lt;i&gt;à la Henri IV&lt;/i&gt;, and they wore a tri-coloured scarf. To the right were benches on which the accused were placed in several rows, and gendarmes, with carbines and fixed bayonets by their sides. To the left was the jury.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Never can I forget the mournful appearance of these funereal processions to the place of execution. The march was opened by a detachment of mounted gendarmes—the carts followed; they were the same carts as those used in Paris for carrying wood; four boards were placed across them for seats, and on each board sat two, and sometimes three victims; their hands were tied behind their backs, and the constant jolting of the cart made them nod their heads up and down, to the great amusement of the spectators. On the front of the cart stood Samson, the executioner, or one of his sons or assistants; gendarmes on foot marched by the side; then followed a hackney-coach, in which was the &lt;i&gt;Rapporteur&lt;/i&gt; [recorder] and his clerk, whose duty it was to witness the execution, and then return to Fouquier-Tinville, the &lt;i&gt;Accusateur Public&lt;/i&gt; [public prosecutor], to report the execution of what they called the law.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The process of execution was also a sad and heart-rending spectacle. In the middle of the Place de la Révolution was erected a guillotine, in front of a colossal statue of Liberty, represented seated on a rock, a Phrygian cap on her head, a spear in her hand, the other reposing on a shield. On one side of the scaffold were drawn out a sufficient number of carts, with large baskets painted red, to receive the heads and bodies of the victims. Those bearing the condemned moved on slowly to the foot of the guillotine; the culprits were led out in turn, and, if necessary, supported by two of the executioner's valets, as they were formerly called, but now denominated &lt;i&gt;élèves de l'Executeur des hautes oeuvres de la justice&lt;/i&gt; [students of the executor of the great works of justice]; but their assistance was rarely required. Most of these unfortunates ascended the scaffold with a determined step—many of them looked up firmly on the menacing instrument of death, beholding for the last time the rays of the glorious sun, beaming on the polished axe; and I have seen some young men actually dance a few steps before they went up to be strapped to the perpendicular plane, which was then tilted to a horizontal plane in a moment, and ran on the grooves until the neck was secured and closed in by a moving board, when the head passed through what was called in derision,&lt;i&gt; la lunette republicaine &lt;/i&gt;[the republican telescope]; the weighty knife was then dropped with a heavy fall; and, with incredible dexterity and rapidity, two executioners tossed the body into the basket, while another threw the head after it.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>John Gideon Millingen, &lt;i&gt;Recollections of Republican France, from 1790–1801&lt;/i&gt; (London: H. Colburn, 1848), 204–7, 221.</text>
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                <text>This description of the proceedings of the revolutionary tribunal, and of the physical setting of the Place de la Révolution where the guillotine stood, by an unsympathetic English observer gives the flavor of the workings of revolutionary justice. The site of hundreds if not thousands of executions, this public space is now called the Place de la Concorde, "the place of peace," and is situated between the Ministries of the Army and Navy and the new meeting place of the National Assembly.</text>
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