79 10 1079 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 3 OCTOBER. Today the King's bodyguards gave a magnificent feast in the opera house at the palace of Versailles. The guests were the officers of the Flanders regiment, the Montmorency dragoons, the Swiss guards, the Swiss regiments, the Cent Suisses regiment, and others, including a few officers of the Versailles National Guard. During the meal there were toasts to the health of the King, the Queen, the Dauphin, and all the royal family. A toast to the nation had been suggested and, according . . . to many who were present, the royal guards expressly rejected this idea. When the King returned from hunting he was brought to see the spectacle. . . . The Queen, holding her son by the hand, stepped forward to the entrance of the hall, which immediately rang with applause and acclaim. All the guests, drawn swords in hand, drank to the health of the august persons who honored them with their presence. The royal visitors accepted this homage and withdrew. From this moment, the banquet degenerated into an orgy. Everyone's mind became heated by wine. . . . Someone sounded the charge, and the opera boxes were scaled. Finally, amidst highly indecent suggestions, someone dared to insult the national tri-color cockade and toasted the white cockade which had been displayed by, amongst others, several captains of the Versailles National Guard. The central courtyard of the palace then saw the most scandalous disorder. Royal bodyguards and officers spewed out terrible curses against the National Assembly . . . [while] peaceful citizens were bewildered by such tumult and excess. Versailles remained uneasy until the revelers were finally reduced to total inaction through fatigue and drunkenness. Sortable Date 1789-10-03 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Jean-Sylvain Bailly, Mémoires d'un témoin de la révolution, vol. 3 (Paris: Baudoin, 1821), 1–3. Description An account of the resource Military officers in several regiments of the royal army favored a military strike to dispel the National Assembly, but by the fall of 1789 they saw clearly that this order would not be given. Their frustration with the National Assembly’s affront to the dignity of the royal family became evident to all on 3 October, in an event recorded by Bailly, then mayor of Paris, in his memoirs. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 550 Title A name given to the resource Royalists Desecrate the Revolutionary Cockade (3 October 1789) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/550/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource October 3, 1789 Counterrevolution Popular Politics Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document THE Society will be dedicated to spreading truth, defending freedom and the constitution. Its methods will be as honorable as its objectives and openness will be the guarantor of all its initiatives. For anyone wishing to be admitted to these societies, the primary laws will be fidelity to the constitution and a willingness to defend it, as well as, respect and submission to the powers that it establishes. Qualifications for entry will be, above all, the love of equality and a deep feeling for the rights of man as made evident by the instinct to protect the weak and oppressed. Sortable Date 1790-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Alphonse Aulard, La Société des Jacobins: Recueil de documents pour l'histoire du Club des Jacobins de Paris, 6 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1889–97), 1:xi. Description An account of the resource In contrast to Le Chapelier’s fears that all clubs, even the Jacobins, actually subverted the political process, the Jacobins saw themselves as ensuring the proper functioning of the constitution and allowing full participation by patriotic citizens in the political process, as seen in this excerpt from the club’s rules drawn up in 1790. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 400 Title A name given to the resource Rules of the Jacobins Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/400/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1790 Clubs Popular Politics Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document The sacraments of Christianity, particularly the Roman Catholic Church, were very much at issue during the 1750s, when the Archbishop of Paris Christophe de Beaumont ordered the clergy not to administer the sacraments to Jansenists. The “refusal of sacraments” controversy between the King and clergy on the one hand and the more popular parlements on the other was instrumental in undermining the theoretical foundations of the absolute monarchy and augmenting the willingness of French elites to resist the demands of crown and altar. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 1111 Title A name given to the resource Sacrament Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/1111/ Glossary Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Of all the domains of France in the New World, the French part of the island of Santo Domingo is the most important. . . . This is because of the riches which it produces for the mother country. It is also enormously valuable as a market for French foodstuffs and [is] a stimulant to French trade. The French Part is noteworthy on this account to all students of government. This applies equally to learning the facts about the different areas of this vast state and to understanding the principal points of its administration. . . . [It is] a Colony whose distance from the mother country prevents it from being particularly like France, but its loss or rescue form one of the great subjects on which France must mediate. Finally, the scientist, the naturalist, the planter, and many others . . . will enjoy this faithful description of an establishment whose fate can have much influence upon the destinies of France. It is for these reasons that I am pursuing this project of publication. The French Part of Santo Domingo forms the western portion of that immense island. The Spaniards occupy the entire eastern part. . . . But the French Part does not, unlike the Spanish Part, offer. . . a length almost equal to its breadth. French Santo Domingo has an irregular shape, produced by a double cause. One is a sinuous boundary line between the two countries. The other factor is the presence of two unequal points of land, or, more accurately, two peninsulas, which extend from the southern and northern edges of the island to run to the west, leaving between them a sort of bay or little gulf. The mountains of Saint Domingue . . . serve to vary the climate, which depends upon their height, their nearness, and the way in which they are located in reference to the prevailing winds. . . . In general, the French Part or Saint Domingue is warmer and more exposed to droughts than the Spanish Part. The droughts are becoming longer and more frequent. This arises from a greediness which counts the future for nothing. . . . People have cut down the trees which covered the higher points and which summoned the life-giving rains and held onto the abundant dews. There was also a humidity whose beneficial influence was prolonged by the forests. The French Part has about 520,000 persons, divided into 40,000 whites, 28,000 freedmen or descendants of freedmen, and 452,000 slaves. This offers the following proportion: eleven and three-tenths slaves for one white, ten whites to seven freedmen, and sixteen slaves to one freedman. Sortable Date 1797-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Médéric-Louis-Elie Moreau de Saint-Méry, A Civilization That Perished: The Last Years of White Colonial Rule in Haiti, (Philadelphia, published by the author, 1797-1798), translated, abridged, and edited by Ivor D. Spencer, (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1985), 13-15. Description An account of the resource Here Moreau de Saint–Méry describes the topography and peoples of the French part of the island, providing some important basic knowledge which he expands upon in subsequent passages. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 568 Title A name given to the resource Saint Domingue: Some Geography Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/568/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1797 Economic Conditions Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document The Origin of the Freed Class The Freedmen are more universally known under the name of the People of Color or the Mixed-Bloods, although the first of these terms, taken exactly, designates the negro slaves also. From the moment that the province had slaves, it lost no time in having some freedmen. Various factors came together to create this class, situated between the master and the slave. In Saint Domingue the blacks included not only negroes but also Indians and savages whom one could tell from the former only with difficulty as far as their color was concerned. The scarcity of women, the customary ways of the Filibusters and the Buccaneers, and the alluring complaisance of the black women caused the appearance of the mulattoes. The skin color of the mulattoes classed them with the Indians and the savages. This is proved by the census of 1681, wherein one finds all the colored people lumped together and numbering 480. At that time there were none classed as free except the whites. The men who enslaved the savages and the Indians, quite without hesitation, as being of the same color as the mulattoes, discovered a feeling which they had not expected. Namely, by a sort of unstated agreement, when a white man had taken a negress as his bedmate, he found out that, out of his love for the resulting children and out of his own self-respect, he wanted to have the children become free when they came of age. Putting it simply, when the mulattoes reached twenty-one, it became customary for them to become free. But the master's personal interest in [his property] led to many violations of this unspoken rule. Also, the Black Code, in regulating the inheritance of property in slaves in the colonies [tended to reinforce this reactionary trend.] Consequently the mulattoes began to lose their advantages. The upshot generally was that people were regarded as freed men and women only if the master had given up his rights in a written paper. There were such free persons before 1685. This is shown by the edict of the month of March of that year, prepared several years before, which made manumission a legal act when put down in a paper voluntarily signed by the master. . . . If one reflected on the great number of motives which came together to increase the total of freed people, it is surprising not to see more of them in the 1703 census, when there were only 500 listed. . . . Gradually, however, a cumulative development occurred. In effect it was the result of an allegedly necessary concubinage, or of a sort of generosity which could operate only at the death of the master [through his last will and testament], or the mercenary motive of letting the slave save up to buy his own freedom, or the marriage of a freedman to his slave [or finally the natural increase of the freed class itself. The really great increase came after 1770, from 6000 in that year to double that in 1780 and to 28,000 in 1789! Included were persons who became free because of service in the constabulary set up to catch fugitive slaves. . . .] The Indian women, by the way, scorned the black men. On the other hand, the white men were attracted by the gentle and faithful character and sex appeal of the black women. The first observation which is inspired by the existence of this freed class is that it was in the bosom of France that the laws for the maintenance of slavery arose; secondly that it was France which protected the profitable slave trade of merchants of the Metropole [of Metropolitan France] from competition by the colonials, forbidding it to the latter. But it was the colonists to whom credit was due for the idea of freeing the blacks. The liberation came from the happy circumstance that the system of manumission [to repeat], left the master able to satisfy his sense of justice and of generosity by the very fact of allowing the slave to buy his own freedom, if indeed he did not give it to him. . . . The master was obligated, none the less, to support the slave after he was freed, if he was unable to look after himself, perhaps because of old age or infirmity. Sortable Date 1797-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Médéric-Louis-Elie Moreau de Saint-Méry, A Civilization That Perished: The Last Years of White Colonial Rule in Haiti, (Philadelphia, published by the author, 1797-1798), translated, abridged, and edited by Ivor D. Spencer, (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1985, 73-75. Description An account of the resource As many as two–thirds of the slaves in Saint Domingue in 1789 had been born in Africa, but by that time a significant number of Africans or children of Africans had become free. Here Moreau de Saint–Méry details the origins of this pivotal group. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 570 Title A name given to the resource Saint Domingue: The Freedmen Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/570/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1797 Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document I shall undertake, citizens, to prove that the King can be judged. . . . I say that the King should be judged as an enemy and that even more than judge him, we must fight him. Also, in that he was not a party to the contract that unites all French people, the judicial procedure to follow is not to be found in Civil Law, but rather in Common Law. . . . Perhaps one day, men as far removed from our prejudices as we are from those of the Vandals will be astonished by the barbarity of an age in which the judging of a tyrant was thought to be something sacred. Where the people, having a tyrant to judge, raised him to the rank of citizen before investigating his crimes and were more concerned about what would be said about them than about the task at hand. And where a guilty man who belonged to the class of oppressors, the lowest class of humanity, became a martyr to their pride. One day men will be astonished by the fact that humanity in the eighteenth century was less advanced than in the time of Caesar. Then a tyrant was slain in the midst of the Senate with no formalities but thirty blows of a dagger and with no other law save the liberty of Rome. And today we respectfully conduct a trial for a man who assassinated a people, caught in flagrante delicto, his murderous hands soaked with blood! These same men who are to judge Louis also have a Republic to create. Those who attach any importance to the King receiving a fair punishment will never be able to create a Republic. For us, the sensitivity of our minds and character is a great obstacle to liberty. We make all error seem more attractive and, more often than not, truth for us is only the seduction of our tastes. . . . We must therefore courageously advance toward our goal, and if we desire a Republic, we must be serious about it. We judge ourselves severely, I would even say with rage. We think only of tempering the energy of the People and of liberty, whereas we hardly reproach our common enemy. And everyone, either from weakness or because they stand with the accused, look at each other before striking the first blow. We seek liberty, and we are becoming each other's slaves! We seek nature, and live armed, like wild savages. We desire a Republic, independence, and unity, but we are divided and treat a tyrant with gentleness . . . . It would seem that we are searching for a law that would allow us to punish the King. . . . The social contract is between citizens, not between citizens and government. A contract is useless against those who are not bound by it. Consequently, Louis, who was a party to it, cannot be judged by Civil Law. The contract was so oppressive that it bound the People, but not the King. Such a contract was necessarily void since nothing is legitimate that is not sanctioned by ethics and nature. These reasons lead you all not to judge Louis as a citizen, but as a rebel. But besides these reasons, by what right does he demand to be judged by Civil Law, which is our obligation toward him, when it is clear that he himself betrayed the only obligation that he had undertaken towards us, that of our protection ? Is this not the last act of a tyrant, to demand to be judged by the laws that he destroyed? And Citizens, if we were to grant him a civil trial, in conformance with the laws and as a citizen, it would be him who would be trying us. He would be trying the People themselves. For myself, I can see no middle ground. This man must reign or die. He will prove to you that all he has done, he has done to uphold his office with which he had been entrusted. By discussing this with him, you cannot make him incriminate himself for his hidden malice. He will lead you in a vicious circle created by your very accusations. . . . I will say more: a constitution accepted by a King did not bind the citizens. They had, even before his crime, the right to banish him and send him into exile. To judge a King as a citizen . . . that would astound a dispassionate posterity. To judge is to apply the law. A law is linked to justice, and common to mankind and kings? What does Louis have in common with the French people that they should treat him well after he betrayed them? . . . It is impossible to reign in innocence. The folly of that is all too evident. All Kings are rebels and usurpers. Do Kings themselves treat otherwise those who seek to usurp their authority? Was not Cromwell's memory brought to trial? And certainly Cromwell was no more usurper than Charles I. For when a people is so weak as to yield to the tyrant's yoke, domination is the right of the first comer, and it is no more sacred or legitimate for one than for another. These are the considerations that a generous and republican people must not forget when judging a King. You will be told that the verdict is to be ratified by the People. If that is to be, why can they themselves not pass judgment? If we did not sense the weakness of such ideas, whatever form of government we might adopt would find us slaves. The sovereign would never be in his place, nor the magistrate in his, and the people would have no guarantee against oppression. Citizens, the tribunal which must judge Louis is not a judiciary tribunal . . . it is a council . . . it is the People . . . it is you. And the laws that must guide us are those of citizens' rights. A civil trial would be unjust since the King, deemed to be a citizen, cannot be judged by the same men who have accused him. Louis is a foreigner among us. He was not a citizen before his crime: he could not vote, he could not bear arms. He is even less a citizen since his crime, and by what abuse of justice would you make him a citizen in order to condemn him? As soon as a man is found guilty, he leaves the polity, but quite to contrary, Louis would gain entry by his crime. I would go even farther . . . if you declare the King to be a citizen, he will slip from your grasp. Which of his obligations would you rely on in the current state of things? . . . I shall forever contend that the spirit in which the King will be judged is the same spirit with which the Republic will be established. The theory behind your verdict will be that of your public offices, and the measure of your philosophy in the verdict, will be the measure of your liberty in the constitution. . . . You will never see my personal will oppose the general will. I shall desire what the People of France, or the majority of its representatives, desire. But, as my personal will concerns a portion of the law which has not yet been written, I open myself to you in all frankness . . . . It is therefore you who must decide if Louis is the enemy of the French people, if he is an alien. If the majority of you decide to absolve him, then that verdict would have to be ratified by the People, for if no act of the sovereign can truly constrain a single citizen to pardon a King, even less could an act of the magistracy constrain the sovereign! . . . Sortable Date 1792-11-13 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived M. J. Mavidal and M. E. Laurent, eds., Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860, première série (1787 à 1799), 2d ed., 82 vols. (Paris: Dupont, 1879–1913), 53–56:390–93. Description An account of the resource The first debate over the fate of Louis XVI concerned whether the Convention could try the King at all, and if so, for what crimes. The Constitution of 1791 had promised Louis "inviolability," meaning immunity from prosecution. One of the first speakers was Louis–Antoine Léon de Saint–Just, a brilliant, idealistic, and young Jacobin deputy. He drew on Montesquieu as well as Rousseau to argue that the legislature indeed had both the political authority under the constitution and the moral justification to judge the King. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 320 Title A name given to the resource Saint–Just (13 November 1792) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/320/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 13, 1792 Monarchy Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Any sensitive man on earth would respect our courage. What people ever made greater sacrifices for liberty! What people was more betrayed! What people less avenged! Let the King himself look into his heart and ask how he has treated this People who today are no more than just, no less than great? Citizens, when first you deliberated the question of this trial, I told you that a king was outside the state, and by nature above the law. This is why whatever covenant may have been agreed upon between the People and the King (in this case an illegitimate covenant), it did not bind him. Nonetheless, you formed a tribunal, and the sovereign stands at the bar with the King who is before you pleading his case and defending himself. You permitted that insult to the dignity of the people. Louis has cast the blame for his crimes on the ministers whom he oppressed and deceived. "Sire," wrote de Morgue to the King on 16 June 1792, "I hereby resign. The particular orders Your Majesty has given me prevent me from executing the laws." On another occasion, de Morgue tries to clear himself from having advised the King to approve the writ against fanatical priests. What sort of prince is it, before whom a minister needs to defend his integrity? And that man is supposed to be inviolable! Such is the circle in which you are placed: you are the judges, Louis the prosecutor, and the People the accused. I do not know where this travesty of the most basic principles of justice will lead you. Had Louis refused your jurisdiction, the trap might not have been sprung. The denial of the sovereignty of the People would have been the final proof of his tyranny. But since the Revolution Louis has tended noticeably less towards open resistance. Supplely, seemingly unrefined and simplistic, he has shown his skill in dividing men. His unflagging policy was to remain motionless or to move in step with all patriots, just as today he seems even to work with his judges in order to make the insurrection appear to be but the rising of a lawless mob. Defenders of the King, what would you require of us? If he is innocent, the nation is guilty. We must finish answering, for the very act of deliberating accuses the People. I have heard talk of an appeal to the People of the verdict which the People itself will pronounce through us. Citizens, if you permit an appeal to the People, you will be saying to them, "the guilt of your murderer is in doubt." Do you not see that such an appeal would tend to divide the People and the legislature, would tend to weaken representation, to restore monarchy, to destroy liberty? And if plotting succeeds in altering your verdict, I ask you gentlemen if you would be left with any option besides renouncing the Republic and returning the tyrant to his throne. There is but a small step from the King's exoneration to his triumph, and from there to the triumph of monarchy. Yet should the accusing people, the ravaged people, the oppressed people, be the judge? Did they not decline that responsibility after the tenth of August? Nobler, more scrupulous, less cruel than those who would send the accused before them, the People wanted a council to decide his fate. That tribunal has already shown too much weakness, and that weakness has already softened public opinion. If the tyrant appeals to his accusers, he does what Charles I never dared. In a functioning monarchy, it is not you who judge the King, for you are nothing by yourselves, but the People judge and speak through you. Today will decide the fate of the Republic. It is doomed if the tyrant goes unpunished. The enemies of the common good will reappear, meet, and hope. The forces of tyranny will pick up their pieces like a reptile renewing its lost tail. All evil men are for the King. Who here then can join him? False pity is on the lips of some, anger on the lips of others. Everything serves to either corrupt us or frighten us down to our souls. Be steadfast in your severity and rest assured of the People's gratitude in time to come. Be more attuned to the true interests of the People than to the empty concerns and empty clamor by which the schemers seek to play upon the respect you have for the rights of the People, the better to destroy those rights and deceive the People. You called for war on all the tyrants of the world, and you would respect your own! Are bloody laws enforced only against the oppressed, and is the oppressor to be spared? . . . We have shown an odd scorn towards the principles and character of this situation. Louis wishes to be King, to speak as King even while denying it. But a man unjustly placed above the law can present the judge only with his innocence or his guilt. Louis can only challenge us by proving his innocence and innocence has no need to challenge its judges for it has nothing to fear. Let Louis explain how the papers you have seen may favor liberty, let him show his wounds, and let us judge the People. Some will say that the Revolution is over, that we have nothing more to fear from the tyrant, and that the law now calls for the death of a usurper. But, citizens, tyranny is like a reed which bends with the wind and which rises again. What do you call a Revolution? The fall of a throne, a few blows levied at a few abuses? Moral order is like physical order: abuses disappear for an instant, just as the morning dew dries, and then just as it falls again with the night, so the abuses reappear. The Revolution begins when the tyrant ends. I have attempted to show the conduct of the King. It is now for you to be just. You must put aside all considerations but those of justice and the common good. Above all, you must not compromise your liberty which was acquired at so high a price. You must pronounce a verdict which allows for no appeal. If you do not, the greatest of criminals, and a King, will have been the first to enjoy a right refused to citizens, and the tyrant will once again be above the law, even after his trial. Nor should you permit the verdict to be challenged, for it reflects the wishes and opinions of all. If those who spoke of the King are challenged, we will challenge, in the name of France, those who said nothing for our country or those who deceived it. France is amongst us; let each man choose between her and the King, between the exercise of justice by the People and the exercise of your own weaknesses. Weigh, if you will, the example which you owe the world, the impetus you owe liberty and the unflagging justice you owe the People, against criminal pity for one who never felt such a sentiment. Say to Europe as it bears witness: Unite your kings against us for we have rebelled against kings. Have the courage to speak the truth, for it seems to me that there are those here who fear sincerity. Truth burns silently in all hearts, like a lamp burning over a tomb. Yet if there be someone among you unconcerned by the fate of the Republic, let him fall at the feet of the tyrant, let him return the knife with which he slaughtered your fellow citizens, let him forget all crimes of the King and tell the people that we have been corrupted, and that we have been less interested in their well-being than in the fate of an assassin. Sortable Date 1792-12-27 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived M. J. Mavidal and M. E. Laurent, eds., Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860, première série (1787 à 1799), 2d ed., 82 vols. (Paris: Dupont, 1879–1913), 53–56:706–10. Description An account of the resource By late December, the Convention was in the process of trying the King. Louis agreed to testify in his own defense. He justified the decisions of 1789–91 by pointing out that he had still been King and that he had consistently tried to rule within the parameters of the constitution. The next day, Saint–Just spoke for the second time, reproaching the deputies for allowing the proceedings to drag on during the war crisis. Finally he urged them to act decisively for liberty and against tyranny by condemning Louis. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 325 Title A name given to the resource Saint–Just’s Speech on the King’s Fate (27 December 1792) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/325/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 27, 1792 Monarchy Text Event A non-persistent, time-based occurrence. Metadata for an event provides descriptive information that is the basis for discovery of the purpose, location, duration, and responsible agents associated with an event. Examples include an exhibition, webcast, conference, workshop, open day, performance, battle, trial, wedding, tea party, conflagration. Sortable Date 1803-05-03 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 1004 Title A name given to the resource Sale of Louisiana to the United States. Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/1004/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 3, 1803 Timeline Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document A social designation for a political position. Based primarily in the working class areas of Paris, the sans- culottes, composed of a wide range of artisans from masters to journeymen, opposed themselves to the educated, well-to-do. Their name, literally without breeches, indicates the commitment to trousers worn by the lower classes. Beyond this oppositional stance, these groups opted for controlled bread prices, small business, and revolutionary justice if necessary. By 1792 they were a powerful force on the Parisian scene and politicians required their support. Eventually they were kingmakers, thrusting the Jacobins into office in 1793. But as the latter exercised power over the next year, they abandoned the sans-culottes, eventually repressing them. Thus they were not available when Robespierre, their closest ally, needed their help as he was being overthrown in 1794. Though weakened, the sans-culottes, reemerged and played a role in the Directory and, as a social ideal, well into the future. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 1112 Title A name given to the resource Sans-culottes Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/1112/ Glossary https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/91bb7f21a427ea321eda53a433717a79.jpg e3283989c1475e0836d42666b39691c8 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived mfr 89.77 Description An account of the resource The Phrygian cap seems to be everywhere during the Revolution. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 51 Title A name given to the resource Saucière with Phrygian Bonnet Relation A related resource http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/51/ Image Public Opinion