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              <text>1793-08-04</text>
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                <text>The Constitution is ratified by 1,880,000 votes to 17,000.</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/930/</text>
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                <text>August 4, 1793</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;From our imperial camp at Berlin, 21 November 1806. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Napoleon, Emperor of the French and King of Italy, in consideration of the fact: &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;1. That England does not recognize the system of international law universally observed by all civilized nations. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;2. That she regards as an enemy every individual belonging to the enemy's state, and consequently makes prisoners of war not only of the crews of armed ships of war but of the crews of ships of commerce and merchantmen, and even of commercial agents and of merchants traveling on business. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;3. That she extends to the vessels and commercial wares and to the property of individuals the right of conquest, which is applicable only to the possessions of the belligerent power. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;4. That she extends to unfortified towns and commercial ports, to harbors and the mouths of rivers, the right of blockade, which, in accordance with reason and the customs of all civilized nations, is applicable only to strong places. That she declares places in a state of blockade before which she has not even a single ship of war, although a place may not be blockaded except it be so completely guarded that no attempt to approach it can be made without imminent danger. That she has declared districts in a state of blockade which all her united forces would be unable to blockade, such as entire coasts and the whole of an empire. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;5. That this monstrous abuse of the right of blockade has no other aim than to prevent communication among the nations and to raise the commerce and the industry of England upon the ruins of that of the continent. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;6. That, since this is the obvious aim of England, whoever deals on the continent in English goods, thereby favors and renders himself an accomplice of her designs. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;7. That this policy of England, worthy of the earliest stages of barbarism, has profited that power to the detriment of every other nation. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;8. That it is a natural right to oppose such arms against an enemy as he makes use of, and to fight in the same way that he fights. Since England has disregarded all ideas of justice and every high sentiment, due to the civilization among mankind, we have resolved to apply to her the usages which she has ratified in her maritime legislation. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; The provisions of the present decree shall continue to be looked upon as embodying the fundamental principles of the Empire until England shall recognize that the law of war is one and the same on land and sea, and that the rights of war cannot be extended so as to include private property of any kind or the persons of individuals unconnected with the profession of arms, and that the right of blockade should be restricted to fortified places actually invested by sufficient forces. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; We have consequently decreed and do decree that which follows: &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Article I.– The British Isles are declared to be in a state of blockade. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Article II.– All commerce and all correspondence with the British Isles are forbidden. Consequently letters or packages directed to England or to an Englishman or written in the English language shall not pass through the mails and shall be seized. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Article III.– Every individual who is an English subject, of whatever state or condition he may be, who shall be discovered in any country occupied by our troops or by those of our allies, shall be made a prisoner of war. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Article IV.– All warehouses, merchandise or property of whatever kind belonging to a subject of England shall be regarded as a lawful prize. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Article V.– Trade in English goods is prohibited, and all goods belonging to England or coming from her factories or her colonies are declared a lawful prize. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Article VI.– Half of the product resulting from the confiscation of the goods and possessions declared a lawful prize by the preceding articles shall be applied to indemnify the merchants for the losses they have experienced by the capture of merchant vessels taken by English cruisers. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Article VII.– No vessel coming directly from England or from the English colonies or which shall have visited these since the publication of the present decree shall be received in any port. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Article VIII.– Any vessel contravening the above provision by a false declaration shall be seized, and the vessel and cargo shall be confiscated as if it were English property. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Article IX.– Our Court of Prizes at Paris shall pronounce final judgment in all cases arising in our Empire or in the countries occupied by the French Army relating to the execution of the present decree. Our Courts of Prizes at Milan shall pronounce final judgment in the said cases which may arise within our Kingdom of Italy. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Article X.– The present decree shall be communicated by our minister of foreign affairs to the King of Spain, of Naples, of Holland and of Etruria, and to our other allies whose subjects like ours are the victims of the unjust and barbarous maritime legislation of England. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Article XI.– Our ministers of foreign affairs, of war, of the navy, of finance and of the police and our Directors General of the port are charged with the execution of the present decree so far as it affects them. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;(&lt;i&gt;Signed&lt;/i&gt;),&lt;br /&gt; Napoleon.&lt;br /&gt; Done by the Emperor,&lt;br /&gt; Hugue Maret,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;i&gt;Ministerial Secretary of State&lt;/i&gt; &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>James H. Robinson, ed., &lt;i&gt;Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History, vol II, no. 2: The Napoleonic Period&lt;/i&gt; (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1902), pp. 19-21.</text>
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                <text>Since 1793, the French government had carried out policies intended to ruin British commerce; it hoped in this way to eliminate or at least dampen the British will to join in and its ability to finance military coalitions against the French. Napoleon ultimately tried to exclude Great Britain from all commerce with the continent.</text>
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                <text>The Continental System (1806)</text>
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              <text>Religion, morality, loyalty, obedience, personal security, justice, inheritance, protection of property, industry, national prosperity, happiness | Atheism, perjury, rebellion, madness, cruelty, injustice, treachery, ingratitude, idleness, famine, national &amp; private ruin, misery. | Which is best?</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Bibliothèque Nationale de France&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>In this color print from 1793, the height of the Terror, two circular drawings appear next to each other, contrasting two types of liberty. English liberty exists, as the figure suggests, but based on the Magna Carta, calm prevails. Representing French liberty is an uncontrolled, unruly woman, a killer and destroyer. That a woman represents both sides remains interesting in light of the fact that women were excluded from office. [See also Chapter 5.]</text>
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                <text>The Contrast, 1793 British Liberty/French Liberty</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/36/|&lt;span&gt;de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 45 (pièces 6109-6282), Ancien Régime et Révolution&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>The Convention declares its willingness to help all subjected peoples achieve their liberty.</text>
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                <text>The Convention declares war on Spain.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Having concluded our work with the Committee of Eleven, [Pierre] Daunou and I were named to the Committee of Public Safety. He was handed the trident [gavel], and I was charged with suppressing the civil unrest that was disrupting departments in the west. It was the end of Year III, and the Convention was no longer the formidable assembly that it was. . . . Now it was nothing more than a spineless mob, a mass without cohesion, formed from the incoherent remnants of all the parties that had been successively removed and destroyed. The state of the Convention was a mirror image of that of France. The Committee of Public Safety, the true heart of the State and the only pillar onto which to hold, which alone could rally everyone and move them to action, had itself fallen into complete dissolution. Although I had been warned about this deplorable state, as soon as I saw the committee firsthand I thought I was entering the grave, buried under the rubble of France. I felt the most acute anguish that only a true friend of the homeland could feel when he sees it swallowed by the abyss.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The committee members only concerned themselves with their own business, or with the business of their friends or supporters. The only role they took in the Administration was to find a job for this person, or make that person pay something (which may or may not have been owed), etc. Each section of the Administration was given to one member in particular, and they managed it as they pleased. Only correspondence, to look official, had to be signed by two other members. But as I've already mentioned, it was not administration that took up our time. Moreover, as there was no unity in the committee, the administrative committees acted alone, in isolation, as they wanted and as best they could. I say as best they could, because procuring the two signatures needed to give orders, or answer them, which was very difficult to do for those members of the committee who still wanted to act amidst the chaos. Often it was necessary to wait several days before these two signatures could be obtained. These men, who only saw to their little schemes, were too busy with their own affairs to sign anything. When Daunou and I pressed them, telling them that it does not take long to sign, they objected that they didn't want to sign something until they had read it, which is the right thing to do. But they used this as a pretext, saying they didn't have time! . . . We shall soon see what they used this precious time for. That was the normal daily speed of the Committee of Public Safety when I arrived there. It remained that way until the end, which fortunately was not long in coming.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Louis-Marie de La Révellière-Lepaux,&lt;i&gt; Mémoires, &lt;/i&gt;3 vols. (Paris: E. Plon, Nourrit, 1895), 1:245–55. Translated by &lt;i&gt;Exploring the French Revolution &lt;/i&gt;project staff from original documents in French found in John Hardman, &lt;i&gt;French Revolution Documents 1792–95&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 2 (New York: Barnes &amp;amp; Noble Books, 1973), 307–12.</text>
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                <text>The coup of Thermidor did not lead immediately to the dissolution of the Committee of Public Safety (CPS), although much of its power was quickly transferred to other committees, especially the Committee of General Security, and back to the Convention as a whole. This passage, from the memoirs of a member of the CPS after Thermidor, describes the committee’s efforts to continue to guide the Republic in the face of ongoing war, domestic unrest, and food shortages. Yet as the text below shows, both the committee and the Convention as a whole operated from a considerably weakened position, in part because without the Terror, the central government could not compel obedience by officials in the provinces. The steady deterioration of the government’s power over the next fifteen months increasingly made clear the need for a new constitution, with a strong central executive that would be constitutionally limited so as to avoid the excesses of revolutionary government.</text>
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                <text>The Convention Is Weak</text>
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              <text>Friday, 16 June 1775 

&lt;p&gt;While traveling from Compiègne to Frismes—where His Majesty spent the night on 8 June–, the King received the most dazzling, the most sincere and already the most deserved proof of love from His Peoples. The King left Frismes on 9 June to go to the City of Reims, and He arrived there in a ceremonial coach, accompanied by Monsieur, Monseigneur the Count of Artois, the Duke of Orléans, the Duke of Chartres, and the Prince of Condé. After the Duke of Bourbon, Governor of Champagne, gave him the keys of the city, the King entered Reims escorted by the troops of the royal household and made his way through a People intoxicated with joy—which did not decrease but rather intensified as the procession moved along. His Majesty entered the metropolitan church, where he was greeted by the Archbishop-Duke of Reims—who was at the head of his Chapter—and listened to the &lt;i&gt;Te Deum&lt;/i&gt;. After the Benediction, the King withdrew to the archbishop's palace where all the Nobles complimented Him. The next day, the King listened to the first Vespers in the Cathedral, and on Sunday, June 11th, around seven o'clock, His Majesty—with the greatest pomp—went back to the same Church and was crowned in the usual ways. &lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p&gt;The Queen arrived accompanied by Madame [Elizabeth, the King's sister], and despite the fact that she remained incognito, she was delighted at the most vivid expressions of love the French Nation devoted to her. She attended all the august ceremonies of this sacred feast. A stand had been set up for Her, Madame Clotilde and Madame Elizabeth. &lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p&gt;At that point some interesting details were removed and will be talked about in a more lengthy Report.&lt;/p&gt; 

&lt;p&gt;The King gave permission to the Marquess of la Tour du Pin to take the name of the Marquess of Gouvernet—who requested it in his Will. His Majesty also allowed the Count of Charce, his son, to take the name of the Marquess of la Tour du Pin.&lt;/p&gt; 

&lt;p&gt;Monday, 19 June 1775&lt;/p&gt; 

&lt;p&gt;The day following the Coronation of His Majesty, the King attended Mass in the Room of the Archbishop's Castle. After the Mass, the Court Ladies had the honor to present their respects to him. In the afternoon, the Queen and Madame went a few miles away from the City and watched the Count of Esterhazy's regiment of hussars on maneuvers. The Counts of Artois and Provence, wearing cavalry uniforms, charged at the head of the company; the Duke of Chartres, the Prince of Condé, and the Duke of Bourbon, also wearing uniforms, took part in these attacks as well. The Duchess of Bourbon and many Court Ladies and Court Lords were at this warlike show.&lt;/p&gt; 

&lt;p&gt;On the 13th, the King allowed the clergy to compliment him. The Marquess of Dreux, Master of Ceremonies, and Monsieur Nantouillet, Master of Ceremonies, led the Clergy to an audience with His Majesty. They were introduced by the Duke of la Vrillière, Secretary of State, and the Cardinal of Luynes spoke for them.&lt;/p&gt; 

&lt;p&gt;Then His Majesty attended the Mass at the Saint-Niçaise Abbey and, on his way back, he laid the foundation stone of the University of Reims. In the afternoon of the same day, the Knights, the Commanders, and the Officers of the Order of the Holy Spirit gathered at the King's—as he had ordered them—and His Majesty went to the Metropolitan Church in the ordinary walk, listened to Vespers, and with the greatest pomp became the Grand Master and Sovereign of the Order. When he returned, His Majesty delivered a speech and appointed the former Bishop of Limoges, the Archbishop of Narbonne, the Viscount of la Rochefoucault, the Count of Talleyrand, the Marquess of Rochechourat, the Marquess of Roche-Aymon, and the Viscount of Taladu, to be Knights of His Orders and to be Hostages of the Sainte-Ampoule. The Viscount of Taladu was also appointed to carry the rear of his coat, the day he became the Grand Master Sovereign of the order.&lt;/p&gt; 

&lt;p&gt;On June 14th, the King rode in a cavalcade to the Saint-Remi Abbey. His Majesty was accompanied by the Count of Provence, the Count of Artois, the Duke of Orléans, the Duke of Chartres, the Prince of Condé, the Duke of Bourbon and by many other Lords and great officers. He attended Mass in the Abbey and performed his Devotions through the Cardinal of la Roche-Aymon's hands. Then, in the Park of the Abbey, he touched 2,400 people who had the disease of scrofula and distributed charity to them. In the afternoon, the King took a walk in the park and from there went to the camp of the French and Swiss Guard units. The People, who were following His Majesty, showed their Master how delighted they were because of his presence.&lt;/p&gt; 

&lt;p&gt;The day of Corpus Christ, the King accompanied by the Count of Provence, the Count of Artois, and Princes of Royal Blood, followed the procession and attended the Great Mass and the salvation in the Metropolitan Church. The Queen, Madame, Madame Clotilde, Madame Elizabeth, the Duchess of Bourbon, and many Court Lords and Ladies were also present.&lt;/p&gt; 

&lt;p&gt; The next day, June 16th, His Majesty left Reims with the Count of Provence, the Count of Artois and the other Princes who had accompanied him. He arrived in Compiègne and stayed there until Monday, June 19th. On that same day he left Compiègne for Versailles. Madame Clotilde and Madame Elizabeth arrived in Versailles in the morning. The Queen, accompanied by Madame and the Court Ladies arrived there in the evening of the same day.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p&gt;Monsieur Hare, a lawyer at the &lt;i&gt;parlement&lt;/i&gt;, had the honor to present an Ode to the King, entitled the "Coronation of Louis XVI."&lt;/p&gt; 

&lt;p&gt;In the last &lt;i&gt;Gazette&lt;/i&gt;, the following information was forgotten: the Prince of Lambsec was appointed by His Majesty to carry the rear of the Royal coat during the Coronation ceremony. This information, along with many others, will be added to the general Report.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Gazette de France&lt;/i&gt;, no. 48 (16 June 1775), 217; and &lt;i&gt;Gazette de France&lt;/i&gt;, no. 49 (19 June 1775), 221.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="5593">
                <text>These two articles from the official newspaper of the day describe the coronation of Louis XVI at Reims, the city to which French kings had traveled to be anointed and crowned for a thousand years. Note the seriousness with which all the King's movements are described and how solemnly this ritual was taken—even though it no longer held its original meaning—demonstrating the consent of all three orders of French society to be ruled by their new King. Actually, the new King had already begun to govern France ten months earlier, upon the death of his predecessor.</text>
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                <text>235</text>
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                <text>The Coronation of Louis XVI from the &lt;i&gt;Gazette of France&lt;/i&gt; (1775)</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;10 November 1799&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;To the French People&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Frenchmen!&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Once more the Republic has just escaped the violence of rebels, and your faithful representatives have shattered the dagger in those parricidal hands; but, after having averted the attacks with which you were immediately threatened, they felt that such eternal agitations ought finally to be prevented forever; and, acting only on their duty and their courage, they dare to say that they have shown themselves worthy of you.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Frenchmen, your liberty, completely rent asunder and still bleeding from the attacks of the revolutionary government, has just sought refuge in the arms of a constitution which promises it at least some repose. The need of such repose was generally felt at the time: a profound terror of the crises which you barely escaped remained in every mind; your military glory could efface the most colossal memories of the past. With astonishment and admiration, the peoples of Europe trembled at your glory, and secretly blessed the aim of your exploits; finally, your enemies asked for peace; everything, in a word, seemed to unite to assure you finally of the peaceful enjoyment of liberty and happiness; happiness, and liberty which alone can guarantee it, seemed finally ready to reward so many generous efforts in a fitting manner.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;But seditious men ceaselessly attacked with audacity the weak parts of your constitution; they skillfully seized upon those parts which might provoke new disorders; the constitutional regime was soon only a succession of revolutions in every sense, in which the different parties successively gained power; even those who most sincerely desired the maintenance of that constitution were forced to violate it constantly in order to preserve it. From such a state of instability in legislation; and the most sacred rights of social man have been exposed to all the caprices of factions and events.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It is time to put an end to these disorders; it is time to give substantial guarantees to the liberty of citizens to the sovereignty of the people, to the independence of the constitutional powers, and, finally, to the Republic, whose name has served only too often to sanction the violation of all principles. It is time that this great nation had a government worthy of it, a firm and wise government, which could give you a prompt and enduring peace, and enable you to enjoy real happiness.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Frenchmen, such are the views which have dictated the vigorous decisions of the Legislative Body.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In order to arrive more promptly at a definitive and complete reorganization of public institutions, a provisional government has been established. It is invested with power sufficient to have the laws respected, to protect peaceful citizens, and to suppress all conspirators and malevolent persons.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Royalism shall not raise its head again; the hideous traces of the revolutionary government are erased; the Republic and liberty will cease to be vain names; a new era is about to begin.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Frenchmen, rally round your magistrates; the zeal of those who have dared conceive such fine and lofty hopes for you will never slacken; all success now depends upon your confidence, your unity, your wisdom.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Soldiers of liberty, you will close your ears to every perfidious insinuation; you will pursue the course of your victories; you will achieve the conquest of peace in order soon to return to the midst of your brothers to enjoy all the benefits which you have assured them, and to receive from public recognition the honors and rewards which have been reserved for your glorious work.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Long live the Republic!&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>John Hall Stewart, &lt;i&gt;A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution&lt;/i&gt; (New York: Macmillan, 1951), 765–67.</text>
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                <text>The Council of Five–Hundred, the lower house of the legislature under the Directory’s constitution, put up only token resistance to the coup of 18 Brumaire [9 November 1799]. By the following day, this body—in principle, made up of the representatives of the French people and the central institution of republican government—had concurred completely in Bonaparte’s revision to the constitution and issued this proclamation, which described the coup to be a victory for "the Republic and liberty" against royalism. Yet again, a regime had come to power claiming to be initiating a "new era" for "the peoples of Europe."</text>
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                <text>The Council of Five–Hundred Concurs</text>
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                <text>November 10, 1799</text>
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                <text>The Council of State is installed.</text>
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                <text>December 22, 1799</text>
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