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              <text>&lt;p&gt;On October 14th, 1793, I happened to be in the country when I received the news that I had been named with M. Tronson Ducoudray to defend the Queen before the revolutionary tribunal, and that the trial was to start on the following morning at eight o'clock.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I immediately set out for the prison filled with a sense of the sacred duty which had been imposed on me, mingled with an intense feeling of bitterness.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The Conciergerie, as is well known, is the prison in which are confined persons due to be judged or those due to be executed after sentence.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;After passing through two gates one enters a dark corridor which one could not locate without the aid of a lamp that lights up the entrance. On the right are the cells, and on the left there is a chamber into which the light enters by two small barred windows looking on to the little courtyard reserved for women.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It was in this chamber that the Queen was confined. It was divided into two parts by a screen. On the left, as one entered, was an armed gendarme, and on the right the part of the room occupied by the Queen containing a bed, a table and two chairs. Her Majesty was attired in a white dress of extreme simplicity.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;No one capable of sympathetic imagination could fail to realize my feelings on finding in this place the wife of one of the worthiest successors of St. Louis and the august descendant of the Emperors of Germany, a Queen who by her grace and goodness had been the glory of the most brilliant court in Europe and the idol of the French nation.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In presenting myself to the Queen with respectful devotion, I felt my knees trembling under me and my eyes wet with tears. I could not hide my emotion and my embarrassment was much greater than any I might have felt at being presented to Her Majesty in the midst of her court, seated on a throne and Surrounded with the brilliant trappings of royalty.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Her reception of me, at once majestic and kind put me at my ease and caused me to feel, as I spoke and she listened, that she was honoring me with her confidence.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I read over with her the bill of indictment, which later became known to all Europe. I will not recall the horrible details.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;As I read this satanic document, I was absolutely overwhelmed, but I alone, for the Queen, without showing emotion, gave me her views on it. She perceived, and I had come to the same conclusion, that the gendarme could hear something of what she said. But she showed no sign of anxiety on this score and continued to express herself with the same confidence.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I made my initial notes for her defense and then went up to the registry to examine what they called the relevant documents. There I found a pile of papers so confused and so voluminous that I should have needed whole weeks to examine them.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;When I observed to the Queen that it would not be possible for us to take cognizance of all these documents in such a short time and that it was indispensable to ask for an adjournment to give us time to examine them, the Queen said, "To whom must we apply for that?"&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I dreaded the effect of my reply, and as I replied in a low voice: "The National Convention," the Queen, turning her head to one side said: "No, never!". . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I added that we had to defend in the person of Her Majesty not only the Queen of France, but also the widow of Louis XVI, the mother of his children and the sister-in-law of our Princess, who were accused with her in the bill of indictment.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This final consideration overcame her scruples. At the words sister, wife and mother natural feelings rose superior to a sovereign's pride. Without uttering a single word, though she let a sigh escape her, the Queen took up her pen and wrote to the Assembly in our names, a few lines full of noble dignity in which she complained that they had not allowed us time enough to examine the evidence and claimed on our behalf the necessary respite.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The Queen's application was transmitted to Fouquier-Tinville, who promised to submit it to the Assembly, But, in fact, he did nothing with it or, at least, nothing useful for the next day, the fifteenth of October, the hearing began at eight in the morning.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Georges Pernoud and Sabine Flaissier, &lt;i&gt;The French Revolution&lt;/i&gt;, translated by Richard Graves (New York: Capricorn Books, 1970), 203–5.</text>
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                <text>Seven months after the execution of the King, shortly after the declaration of "Revolutionary Government," the Convention turned to the rest of the royal family. Fearing that Marie Antoinette and her son, the nominal King, would provide rallying points for royalists within France and abroad, a Revolutionary Tribunal indicted Marie Antoinette and her children for treason. Two attorneys were assigned to prepare her defense, and one describes the situation here.</text>
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              <text>The Radical’s Arms. (No God! No Religion!! No King! No Constitution!!)</text>
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                <text>Library of Congress</text>
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                <text>From an English periodical of 1819, this antirevolutionary print portrays the &lt;em&gt;sans–culottes&lt;/em&gt; as drunkards anxious to destroy by fire, gallows, and guillotine rather than to work for their own good. The image satirizes the idea of &lt;em&gt;sans–culotte&lt;/em&gt; simplicity by arranging the two figures and the guillotine as an aristocratic coat of arms.</text>
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                <text>George Cruikshank</text>
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                <text>The Radical’s Arms. (No God! No Religion!! No King! No Constitution!!)</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/134/</text>
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              <text>La République</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Bibliothèque Nationale de France&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Under the monarchy, the king was the country’s symbolic center. Removing him and establishing a republic made necessary not only a new constitution but also a new set of symbols. Here the revolutionaries transformed "Liberty" into "the Republic." Without her pike and cap, she seems more matriarchal, framed by flourishing plants. Sometimes depicted in more aggressive posture, the Republic was always shown as a female figure, in part to avoid identification with any particular male politician or political group. The female Republic never appeared in contemporary dress; she was a symbol above politics, not a French woman involved in revolutionary action.</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/71/|&lt;span&gt;de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 44 (pièces 5943-6108), Ancien Régime et Révolution&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>The Republic adopts 14 July as the annual national festival.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Blood was flowing in the Faubourg St-Antoine in Paris. Five or six thousand workers, stirred up by a diabolical cabal that aimed to destroy the ministry and prevent the Estates from meeting, gathered at ten o'clock in the morning. Armed with clubs, they furiously attacked the house of a man named Réveillon, who is the manager of a royal factory at the Porte St. Antoine that makes fine wallpaper.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Howling, and screaming that they wanted to murder Réveillon, his wife and his children, the rioters scaled the walls and broke down the doors. They looted everything they could find, burned the wallpapers and the designs and even bonds, ransacked the gardens and cut down trees. The house was splendidly furnished—mirrors, books, chests, tables, everything was smashed and thrown out the windows. Réveillon and his wife and children escaped over the garden wall.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The Garde Française fired several rounds, but this only stirred up the mob even more. They climbed up onto houses and threw stones at the troops. The Garde Française advanced with cannons killing many. The rioting lasted until four in the morning and there were as many as seven or eight hundred dead. The Garde Française lost a few soldiers.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Another body of five or six hundred workers were scattered throughout neighboring streets. They stopped carriages and asked everyone they encountered if they belonged to the Third Estate, heaped vulgar insults at them before taking their money and their watches.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Three hundred and fifty nobles had gathered at the archbishop's palace in order to choose deputies for the nobility. The rabble set off in that direction. Luckily most of them were drunk and they soon changed their minds and continued to roam the streets. The Duke de Luynes was stopped, coming back from the races and compelled to shout, Long live the king and the Third Estate!' Nobles and even bourgeois were appalled.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;All this makes one tremble for the unhappy kingdom. It is a tissue of horrors and abominations. Everyone can guess who stuck this blow, May Providence protect the king.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Marquis de Ferrières, &lt;i&gt;Correspondence inédite, 1789, 1790, 1791&lt;/i&gt;, ed. H. Carré (Paris, 1932), 37–41.</text>
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                <text>The "manufactory" owned by Jean–Baptiste Réveillon in the Saint–Antoine neighborhood of Paris made decorative wallpaper, a lucrative luxury item that required highly skilled (and generally well–paid) workers. When a rumor circulated about Réveillon’s ill–timed speech in which he linked reduced wages and lower prices, the animosity of many guildsmen to Réveillon erupted in violence. When troops intervened to suppress the protest by force, bloodshed ensued. To some observers, such as the nobleman the Marquis de Ferrières from whose letter the following passage is excerpted, this "riot" suggested a dangerous environment of popular unrest on the eve of meeting of the Estates–General.</text>
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                <text>377</text>
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                <text>The Réveillon Riot (28 April 1789)</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/377/</text>
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                <text>April 28, 1789</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Another misfortune arose, which, however it might have been long expected, was still more unlooked-for than any other. Witnesses of the general commotion of the colony, and perceiving that, notwithstanding the attention which had been paid by the mother-country to the people of color, (except interweaving their sufferings with the subject, for the purposes of oratory) nothing was proposed with regard to them; the negroes began to consider of some melioration for themselves among the new arrangements then taking place. As they had unfortunately perceived that the first step in all the disputes of their masters had consisted of outrage, so they determined to follow those means which promised such certain success, and at the same time, afforded objects the most grateful to people in a state of slavery. It cannot be denied, that they may have felt no great pleasure in contemplating an acquisition of power by the mulattoes, who, from being, according to their own account more conversant with their habits, and better acquainted with their dispositions, had always been considered by the negroes as their severest masters; it is very probable, that they exercised the same, or greater rigor, over the negroes, than they received themselves from the whites. Be this as it may, while a perfect calm seemed to pervade every contending interest, one morning before day-break a sudden and confused alarm spread throughout the town of the Cape, that the negro slaves in the neighboring parishes had revolted, were murdering the whites, and setting fire to the plantations. The governor immediately assembled all the military officers, but nothing certain could be collected till dawn, when the reports were too sadly confirmed by the arrival of numbers, just escaped with life, who, begging for protection in the town, communicated the particulars.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;From them they found, that the negroes in a plantation called Noe, in the parish of Acul, were the ringleaders, fourteen of whom, after having murdered the principal managers of the plantation, followed by the remainder, hastened to the adjoining one, and repeated the same enormities. The slaves of this estate immediately joined them. Their determination seemed, that it was necessary none should escape, for they shewed not the same discrimination they afterwards used. M. Clements, the owner of the latter plantation received his death from one he had regarded with much tenderness, and promoted (for so it was considered) to be his position. The same occurred at the largest plantation on the plain of the Cape, that of M. Galifet, whose negroes, the whole of whom joined the insurrection, were proverbial for receiving good treatment. Similar circumstances took place at the very time, on the estate of M. Flaville, a few miles distant, from whence they carried off the wife, and three daughters, of the Procureur, after murdering him before their faces. Day-light convinced the astonished inhabitants that the revolt was concerted, for some parties of observation sent from the town, soon perceived that the rising was general throughout the province, and the flames quickly burst from all quarters. The terror of the whole community now became excessive, and the shrieks of women and children as the appearances of horror spread, wildly, running from door to door, inquiring their fate of each other, produced a most distressing effect. The men armed themselves, and the General Assembly invested the governor with the command of the National Guards. As soon as any plan could be matured, it was determined, to send the white women and children on board the ships in the harbor; and the ablest of the domestic negroes in the town were also sent, under a guard, lest they should be concerned in any treacherous connection.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The next transaction which took place was relative to a considerable body of mulattoes in the town, who, although they had not joined the previous disputes, were immediately marked as objects of vengeance by the lower classes of white people, and it became necessary for the Assembly to afford them protection. This circumstance became the medium of an agreeable conciliation; for, in return, all the able men among them, proposed themselves to march against the rebels, leaving their wives and children as hostages for their fidelity. They were, therefore, enrolled in the militia, and a mutual confidence, to a certain degree, established itself between them.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;As many seamen as could be spared from the ships were joined to the inhabitants, and the whole formed into a military order, when M. de Touzard, an officer who had distinguished himself in North America, took the command of a detachment of militia and troops of the line, and marched to attack the most powerful body of the revolters in the neighborhood. They were posted at the plantation of M. Latour, to the number of 4,000 negroes, a large portion of whom were destroyed, but their places were supplied by such increased numbers, that M. de Touzard was compelled to retreat. The weakness of the town obliged the governor to stand on the defensive, till he could contrive means to strengthen the only position he could command; if the negroes had proceeded to Cap François at that time, they might have easily taken the town, and effected every enormity they chose.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;On the river which intersected the main road from the plain at the east end of the town, over which there was a ferry, a battery of cannon was raised on boats, protected by two small camps at a short distance; at the other principal road lying over the Haut du Cap, a considerable body of troops, with artillery, was stationed, while a strong palisade and chevaux-de-frize, surrounded the town on the land side; an embargo was laid on the shipping, for the purpose of retreat, and retaining the assistance of the sailors. The whole of the inhabitants, without distinction, labored at the fortifications.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Every method was used to communicate the information of the insurrection, when it could be conveyed with safety, and several camps were formed, which seemed to arrest the progress of the rebellion; nevertheless, those at Grande Rivière and Dondon were attacked by the negroes, joined by mulattoes, and after a sharp contest, forced with great, slaughter. The surviving whites from Dondon took refuge in the Spanish territory.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The whole of the plain, of the Cape, and the district of Grande Riviere, now in the possession of the insurgents, and abandoned to their ravages, as were the miserable inhabitants, to whom no assistance could be given, who, therefore, suffered every injury, that bewildered licentiousness could devise, before a death, in this instance merciful, but of more than common torments, closed for them the scene.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It serves few of the purposes of history to describe the various modes of torture which occurred to the savage insurgents, or to relate amounts of the grossest violations of virgins and pregnant women, in the presence of their dying husbands, or parents; much it is to be regretted, that civilized states should ever find it necessary to render torture of any kind familiar to vulgar minds; for they are exhibitions that live in the memory, and steel the heart against those affections which form the grandest boundary of our nature. There is reason to fear that the perpetrators of those horrid deeds had been witnesses to the ridicule of misery in others who should have evinced themselves superior to such conduct, by the godlike attributes of mercy and benevolence; the licentiousness of their intercourse with the female slaves could leave no impression to prevent a retaliation on the occasion, with objects, too, of such superior attraction, alas! unhappily for themselves.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Marcus Rainsford, &lt;i&gt;An Historical Account of the Black Empire of Hayti: Comprehending a View of the Principal Transactions in the Revolution of Saint-Domingo; with its Ancient and Modern State &lt;/i&gt;(London, 1805), 134–39.</text>
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                <text>Rainsford’s detailed contemporary account of the revolt emphasizes the strenuous yet ultimately unsuccessful mobilization of colonial French resources.</text>
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                <text>The Revolt from &lt;i&gt;An Historical Account of the Black Empire of Hayti&lt;/i&gt;</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;In the centre of the hall, under a statue of justice, holding scales in one hand, and a sword in the other, with the book of laws by her side, sat Dumas, the president, with the other judges. Under them were seated the public accuser, Fouquier-Tinville, and his scribes. Three coloured ostrich plumes waved over their turned-up hats, &lt;i&gt;à la Henri IV&lt;/i&gt;, and they wore a tri-coloured scarf. To the right were benches on which the accused were placed in several rows, and gendarmes, with carbines and fixed bayonets by their sides. To the left was the jury.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Never can I forget the mournful appearance of these funereal processions to the place of execution. The march was opened by a detachment of mounted gendarmes—the carts followed; they were the same carts as those used in Paris for carrying wood; four boards were placed across them for seats, and on each board sat two, and sometimes three victims; their hands were tied behind their backs, and the constant jolting of the cart made them nod their heads up and down, to the great amusement of the spectators. On the front of the cart stood Samson, the executioner, or one of his sons or assistants; gendarmes on foot marched by the side; then followed a hackney-coach, in which was the &lt;i&gt;Rapporteur&lt;/i&gt; [recorder] and his clerk, whose duty it was to witness the execution, and then return to Fouquier-Tinville, the &lt;i&gt;Accusateur Public&lt;/i&gt; [public prosecutor], to report the execution of what they called the law.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The process of execution was also a sad and heart-rending spectacle. In the middle of the Place de la Révolution was erected a guillotine, in front of a colossal statue of Liberty, represented seated on a rock, a Phrygian cap on her head, a spear in her hand, the other reposing on a shield. On one side of the scaffold were drawn out a sufficient number of carts, with large baskets painted red, to receive the heads and bodies of the victims. Those bearing the condemned moved on slowly to the foot of the guillotine; the culprits were led out in turn, and, if necessary, supported by two of the executioner's valets, as they were formerly called, but now denominated &lt;i&gt;élèves de l'Executeur des hautes oeuvres de la justice&lt;/i&gt; [students of the executor of the great works of justice]; but their assistance was rarely required. Most of these unfortunates ascended the scaffold with a determined step—many of them looked up firmly on the menacing instrument of death, beholding for the last time the rays of the glorious sun, beaming on the polished axe; and I have seen some young men actually dance a few steps before they went up to be strapped to the perpendicular plane, which was then tilted to a horizontal plane in a moment, and ran on the grooves until the neck was secured and closed in by a moving board, when the head passed through what was called in derision,&lt;i&gt; la lunette republicaine &lt;/i&gt;[the republican telescope]; the weighty knife was then dropped with a heavy fall; and, with incredible dexterity and rapidity, two executioners tossed the body into the basket, while another threw the head after it.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>John Gideon Millingen, &lt;i&gt;Recollections of Republican France, from 1790–1801&lt;/i&gt; (London: H. Colburn, 1848), 204–7, 221.</text>
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                <text>This description of the proceedings of the revolutionary tribunal, and of the physical setting of the Place de la Révolution where the guillotine stood, by an unsympathetic English observer gives the flavor of the workings of revolutionary justice. The site of hundreds if not thousands of executions, this public space is now called the Place de la Concorde, "the place of peace," and is situated between the Ministries of the Army and Navy and the new meeting place of the National Assembly.</text>
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                <text>The Revolutionary Tribunal’s Use of the Guillotine</text>
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          <name>Original Format</name>
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              <text>Engraving</text>
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              <text>26 x 20 cm</text>
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              <text>La Romaine Aristocratique</text>
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              <text>le marc d'argent préside en France, Esprit talent dons superflus, Au diable vertus sans finances, Beaucoup d'appelés peu d'élus</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Bibliothèque Nationale de France&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>The fattened clergyman and the well–bedecked nobleman go off unbothered while the figure in the foreground assesses carefully the value of a commoner. This complex image also includes a pig—likely a symbol for Louis XVI—with the cleric and the noble. Thus the print clearly attacks the upper classes and likely the monarch. But there is more. Specifically, the National Assembly had set a means test for voters, and a higher one for prospective officeholders. So the gigantic female is measuring the commoner for his right to participate in the new revolutionary society. This then is also a critique of the National Assembly. Who, then, is the figure in the foreground? Perhaps it is the revolutionary legislature, represented here as an arrogant Roman Senate, a clearly oligarchical body.</text>
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                <text>The Roman Aristocrat</text>
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                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/67/|&lt;span&gt;Michel Hennin. &lt;em&gt;Estampes relatives à l'Histoire de France&lt;/em&gt;. Tome 119, Pièces 10386-10489, période : 1789&lt;/span&gt;|&lt;span&gt;de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 16 (pièces 2536-2759), Ancien Régime et Révolution&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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        <src>https://revolution.chnm.org/files/original/9329a92b1a31a4a5f0b3906b5e9606cc.jpg</src>
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      <name>Still Image</name>
      <description>A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.</description>
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          <name>Original Format</name>
          <description>The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data</description>
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            <elementText elementTextId="2069">
              <text>Engraving</text>
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        <element elementId="10">
          <name>Physical Dimensions</name>
          <description>The actual physical size of the original image</description>
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              <text>33 x 22.9 cm</text>
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          <name>Title (French)</name>
          <description>The image's title, in French.</description>
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            <elementText elementTextId="2071">
              <text>Famille Impériale et Royale, de Napoléon le Grand premier du nom Empereur des Francais Roi d'Italie et Protecteur de la Confederation du Rhin</text>
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        <name>Dublin Core</name>
        <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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          <element elementId="48">
            <name>Source</name>
            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Bibliothèque Nationale de France&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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          <element elementId="41">
            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="2059">
                <text>The remainder of the text on this image reads: Emperor of the French, King of Italy, and Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine. The military flags make clear the connection between military conquest and imperial glory.</text>
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          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                <text>None Identified</text>
              </elementText>
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          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="2066">
                <text>Public Domain</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="42">
            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="2067">
                <text>JPEG</text>
              </elementText>
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          <element elementId="44">
            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
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                <text>French</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="10276">
                <text>The Royal and Imperial Family of Napoleon, the Greatest and First with That Name</text>
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          </element>
          <element elementId="46">
            <name>Relation</name>
            <description>A related resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="10277">
                <text>http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/147/|&lt;span&gt;Collection de Vinck. &lt;em&gt;Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 61 (pièces 8135-8202), Directoire, Consulat et Empire&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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          <element elementId="43">
            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="10278">
                <text>147</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
        </elementContainer>
      </elementSet>
    </elementSetContainer>
    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="11">
        <name>Image</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="6">
        <name>Napoleon Bonaparte</name>
      </tag>
    </tagContainer>
  </item>
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    <itemType itemTypeId="8">
      <name>Event</name>
      <description>A non-persistent, time-based occurrence. Metadata for an event provides descriptive information that is the basis for discovery of the purpose, location, duration, and responsible agents associated with an event. Examples include an exhibition, webcast, conference, workshop, open day, performance, battle, trial, wedding, tea party, conflagration.</description>
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        <element elementId="192">
          <name>Sortable Date</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="7941">
              <text>1792-08-13</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
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        <name>Dublin Core</name>
        <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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          <element elementId="43">
            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="7937">
                <text>866</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="7938">
                <text>The royal family is imprisoned.</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="46">
            <name>Relation</name>
            <description>A related resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="7939">
                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/866/</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="7940">
                <text>August 13, 1792</text>
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    </elementSetContainer>
    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="36">
        <name>Timeline</name>
      </tag>
    </tagContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
