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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The means of making the Jews happy and useful? Here it is: stop making them unhappy and unuseful. Accord them, or rather return to them the right of citizens, which you have denied them against all divine and human laws and against your own interests, like a man who thoughtlessly cripples himself. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;To be sure, during times of barbarism, there was no shortage of ways of oppressing the Jews. Yet we are hard pressed even in an enlightened century, not to repair all the evils that have been done to them and to compensate them for their unjustly confiscated goods [hardly to be hoped for], but simply to cease being unjust toward them and to leave them peacefully to enjoy the rights of humanity under the protection of general laws. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The simplest means would be therefore to accord them throughout the kingdom the same liberty that they enjoy in [Bordeaux and Bayonne]; nevertheless, however simple this means appears, it is still susceptible to greater perfection, in order to render the Jews not only happier and more useful but even more honest in the following manner.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;1. They must be accorded permission to acquire land, which will attach them to the fatherland, where they will no longer regard themselves as foreigners and will increase at the same time the value of the land.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2. They must be permitted to practice all of the liberal and mechanical arts and agriculture, which will diminish the number of merchants among them and in consequence the number of knaves and rogues. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;4. To make their merchants more honest, they must be accorded the freedom to exercise every sort of commerce, to keep their stores open, to carry any product, and to live among the other citizens. Then being more closely allied with the other citizens, more at their ease and with their conduct more exposed to the inspection of the police, having moreover to manage their credit, their reputation, and especially their regular customers, they will have in consequence less inclination, less necessity, and less facility in cheating and buying stolen goods.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;5. To better diminish this facility in cheating, they must be forbidden, on pain of annulment of the transaction, the use of Hebrew and German [Yiddish] language and characters in their account books and commercial contracts, whether between themselves or with Christians.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;6. It is necessary therefore to open the public schools to their children, to teach them French, which will produce a double advantage: it will make it easier to instruct them and to make them familiar from earliest infancy with Christians. They will establish with the Christians bonds of friendship which will be fortified by living near to each other, by the use of the same language and customs, and especially by the recognition of the freedom that they will be accorded; they will learn from these bonds that the Christians worship a Supreme Being like themselves, and as a result the fraud that the Talmud authorizes in dealings with pagans will no longer be permitted.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;7. To better facilitate these bonds, their rabbis and leaders must be severely forbidden from claiming the least authority over their co-religionists outside of the synagogue, from prohibiting entry and honors to those who cut their beards, who curl their hair, who dress like Christians, who go to the theater, or who fail to observe some other custom that is irrelevant to their religion and only introduced by superstition in order to distinguish the Jews from other peoples. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;We could add that the freedom of the Jews is the best means of converting them to Christianity; for, once putting an end to their captivity, you will render useless the temporal Messiah that they expect, and then they will be obliged to recognize Jesus-Christ as a spiritual Messiah in order not to contradict the Prophets, who predicted the arrival of some kind of Messiah. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Are so many verbiages and citations necessary to prove that a Jew is a man, and that it is unjust to punish him from his birth onward for real or supposed vices that one reproaches in other men with whom he has nothing in common but religious belief? And what would the French say if the Academy of Stockholm had proposed, twelve years ago, the following question: "Are there means for making Catholics more useful and happier in Sweden?"&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>The materials listed below appeared originally in &lt;i&gt;The French Revolution and Human Rights: A Brief Documentary History, &lt;/i&gt;translated, edited, and with an introduction by Lynn Hunt (Boston/New York: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1996), 48–50.</text>
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                <text>In 1789, 40,000 Jews lived in France, most of them in the eastern provinces of Alsace and Lorraine. In some respects, they were better treated than Calvinists under the laws of the monarchy; Jews could legally practice their religion, though their other activities were severely restricted. They had no civil or political rights, except the right to be judged by their own separate courts, and they faced pervasive local prejudice. The major Jewish communities—in the city of Bordeaux in the southwest and the regions of Alsace and Lorraine in the east—essentially constituted separate "nations" within the French nation (and nations separate from each other since their status differed in many ways). In 1787 and 1788 the Royal Society of Arts and Sciences of the city of Metz in eastern France set up an essay competition on the question, "Are there means for making the Jews happier and more useful in France?" Its 2,000 Jews gave Metz the single largest Jewish population in the east. Among the three winners declared in 1788 was Zalkind–Hourwitz (1738–1812), a Polish Jew. His pamphlet rapidly earned him a reputation in reformist circles, even though by today’s standard its language seems moderate, if not excessively apologetic. The excerpt here represents what might be called the "assimilationist" position, that is, that granting rights to the Jews would make them more like the rest of the French. At times, the author’s own arguments sound anti–Semitic to our ears because in his concern to counter all the usual stereotypes about the Jews, he repeats many of them and gives them a kind of credit. As a follower of the Enlightenment, Zalkind–Hourwitz disliked the extensive powers exercised by Jewish leaders over their communities, and he even held out the possibility of encouraging conversion to Christianity. The inclusion of such a suggestion and the defensive tone of the recommendations for improvement highlight the many difficulties and prejudices faced by the Jews.</text>
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                <text>Zalkind–Hourwitz, &lt;i&gt;Vindication of the Jews&lt;/i&gt; (1789)</text>
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                <text>Worker unions and strikes are prohibited by the Le Chapelier Law.</text>
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                <text>June 14, 1791</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;[Alexandre, speaking in general terms about the events of February 1792, in Paris, explains the motives of popular resentment and mobilization on the sugar issue:]&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The people were justified in complaining, but not in using threats and violence. The speculators, or rather, the hoarders—that is what the people called them—said, to exonerate themselves, that because sugar was a luxury product, the price was not and could not be frozen—that in truth it had and could have no other [price] than that dictated by the consumer's fancy. This sophism, born of cupidity, made no common sense, but that's the ordinary mode of reasoning [by greedy persons]. Surely in principle, and before our colonies reached the level of prosperity we witnessed at the time of the Revolution, sugar was a luxury item, but long ago it became an essential foodstuff. The people, who always think out of a sense of their needs, saw perfectly well that the goal of these hoarders was to force them to pay at least double the old price and to reduce them to this necessity or to deprive them of a product on which a part of their subsistence consumption depended, because it was their custom every morning to drink a large quantity of coffee, which kept them going until they returned from work around four or five in the afternoon and took a second meal, with which they ended the day; but the women, above all, were the most enraged at the hoarders, and the most threatening. Already, in the heart of Paris several fairly violent rows have taken place over this issue, and M. d'André, a former deputy in the Constituent [Assembly] who, following the first restoration, was minister of the general police for a brief time, was very compromised in his goods and in his person.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;[Alexandre goes on to give his account of events on the morning of the fourteenth of February, noting the tactics of &lt;i&gt;taxation populaire&lt;/i&gt; invoked by the women to obtain "a kind of distributive justice, but one tainted in its principles by violence."]&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;. . . The people, all heated up, and delayed by what had occurred [disturbances which took place between seven and ten o'clock in the morning], abandoned their work and met in large numbers in the streets mentioned above; spirits were running high against the hoarders and hoarding; the most alarming measures were urged, nothing less [drastic] than breaking into the Monnery house, pillaging it, and even setting it on fire. I was being kept informed about all these discussions by some people who were less carried away than the others and who had some personal feeling for me. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;[Alexandre describes the scene:]&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;However, the people, who had gathered in larger numbers and earlier than the previous day, were very menacing; threats led to action. I had to sustain a very heavy initial assault from their quarter, but it was unsuccessful. A second, which followed soon after, yielded better results: the entrance and the first-floor windows were forced open and broken. There was talk of setting the house on fire. I came out and spoke to the most excited [ones], who nonetheless never committed any violence against me. "Burn the house down, if you want to," I told them, "but the neighboring houses will burn down also, and the people they belong to haven't done you any harm or wrong." "You are right," was their reply, and they didn't burn anything. That was a major gain.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;However, there was a third attack, very heavy, but which was sustained by the defenders without a shot and in such a way as to prevent the assailants from gaining entry into the house. But because they were throwing stones, several cavalrymen and foot soldiers were seriously injured. The commissioner of police, M. Junie, got through to us and was hit in the head [with a stone] which inflicted a major wound, but not a dangerous one, which seemed to make the attackers very angry. The commanding officer of the cavalry wanted to attack; I stopped him, and, in fact, both he and his cavalrymen would soon have been cut to shreds by the more than fifty thousand people who were surrounding us, and then everything would have been lost. The women above all, were the most excited. They were real furies. They wanted to go to the barracks, break in, and by main force take out the cannon of the battalion and put them to use against the Monnery house. I was informed about this in time and had such a heavy guard posted that the project failed. . . . In truth, the rumor soon began spreading that a heavy column supported by six cannon, with the Mayor and the Commander-General at its head, was moving towards the Faubourg. When I went out into the street with my sword in hand, someone confirmed this news for me. Then a woman of the people, shoving her fist under my nose, said: "Oh shit! You sure have gotten us in deep!" "I!" I answered with a great deal of cool, "did I give you the advice to sound the alarm?" "No." "Okay then, it's your goddamned tocsin that got the police force mobilized and marching." "The swine! I think he's right". . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The sugar, whether it was the cause or the pretext of these disturbances, was removed and delivered safe and sound into the hands of its owners, along with the money collected from the sales of the first barrels which had been inopportunely pulled out; the crowds dispersed by themselves and with no violence. Calm was restored. In a word, it all appeared to be over. And nothing was, yet.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>From &lt;i&gt;Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795, &lt;/i&gt;edited and translated by Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson. Copyright 1979 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press, 115–118.</text>
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                <text>This fragment from a memoir by Charles Alexandre shows the anger of women when confronted by a sugar shortage. They readily attributed the shortage to hoarding by greedy merchants. This document also shows the new importance of colonial products such as sugar and coffee.</text>
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                <text>Women’s Participation in Riots over the Price of Sugar, February 1792</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Paris, 7 Prairial [26 May], 1795, Year 3 of the French Republic&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Citizen:&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Believing neither that the respect due our sex is an authorization to commit evil, directly or indirectly, nor that there can be exceptions to the law made for women without some principles being violated, it is time that these "furies" who for too long have dishonored a portion of their sex with immoral and criminal conduct should come under the arm of the law and that those who remain loyal to their duty should stop being forced to be witnesses of their crimes or victims of their oppression.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I sense the full importance of a denunciation stripped of all feelings of hate, vengeance, and even of spite. The voice of duty imperiously orders all ordinary individuals, above all in the crises we are in, to denounce enemies of the public interest, to make them known, and to establish a line of demarcation between them and respectable people.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Consequently, I declare that I saw the above-named Femme Periot, a merchant at one of the gates of the Louvre, residing on rue des Lavandières, at the hatter's house next to the baker's—I declare, I say, that I saw the above-named, long before the Prairial Days, constantly showing loyalty to the Jacobin system, preaching Marat's maxims to various groups, and repeatedly demanding that heads roll. I saw her at the trial of Carrier conspiring on behalf of the Jacobins at the Revolutionary Tribunal. She was always threatening the Convention with an imminent dissolution and merchants with certain pillage. Revolted by the conduct of this shrew, I have denounced her to the Committee of Police of the Convention.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;At the time of the Triumvirate, this woman never stopped haranguing everyone with a human face. A person had to be marked with the stamp of an assassin or be tainted with blood to dare pass before her stall without being insulted. For without knowing you or speaking to you, she insulted you concerning your face and appearance. She always had the same refrain, "Patience, the brigands will not always have the upper hand. The Mountain will return. The time is not far off."&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;During the recent events (Prairial), I saw the above-named with all the scoundrels, exhorting them with all the gestures of a madwoman not to give in until the Constitution of 1793 was agreed to on the spot. They should ask for Billaud, Collet, and Barère and hold the Convention under siege until they [the three men] were delivered back to Paris. She screamed, "Yes, we must eliminate these marsh-toads. We have on our side the troops, the good gendarmes, and the faubourgs. The muscadin guillotine will be called out. We must have the traitors' blood." And I point out that I heard her several times over. I have followed her constantly in the vicinity of the Tuileries and the Convention. I have even seen her provoke men and defy them, and try to stir up a brawl.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;For these reasons I have come to denounce her so that the constituted authorities will keep watch on such a shrew and put her out of the way of harming society.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Since it is correct that the constituted authorities check up on the morality of informants, I am ready to give full information on my conduct during the twelve years I have lived in Paris and to prove that since 1789–90 I have struggled continuously against the Jacobins and have become their victim several times.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;But I affirm that no personal hate or vengeance has prompted my pen or my heart.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In this spirit I am, with fraternity, your fellow &lt;i&gt;citoyenne&lt;/i&gt;,&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Anne Marguerite Andelle, Widow Ruvet, rue des Fosses [Ste.] Germain [des près], no. 13, home of Citizen Allard. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>From &lt;i&gt;Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795&lt;/i&gt;, edited and translated by Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson. Copyright 1979 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press.</text>
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                <text>Popular radical activity continued throughout the period of the Terror (see Chapter 7) and did not end with 9 Thermidor. On 1–4 Prairial, Year III (20–23 May 1795), a large group composed largely of women surrounded the Convention Hall and massacred a deputy to force the legislature to satisfy its demand that the democratic constitution drafted by the Jacobins, but never put into effect, be implemented. This mobilization, as much as any earlier&lt;i&gt; journée&lt;/i&gt;, demonstrated social stresses, pitting urban poor against a government they perceived to represent property owners. The sizable role of women in Prairial also demonstrates that social cleavages divided women as well as men throughout the Revolution. This letter was addressed to the president of this Section and was read to the General Assembly of the Section du Museum, 10 Prairial, Year III (30 May 1795).</text>
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                <text>Women’s Activities during the Prairial Uprising</text>
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                <text>May 20, 1795</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Nosseigneurs,&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;It is altogether astonishing that, having gone so far along the path of reforms, and having cut down (as the illustrious d'Alembert once put it), a very large part of the forest of prejudices, you would leave standing the oldest and most general of all abuses, the one which excludes the most beautiful and most lovable half of the inhabitants of this vast kingdom from positions, dignities, honors, and especially from the right to sit amongst you.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;What! you have generously decreed equality of rights for all individuals; you have made the humble inhabitant of the hovel march alongside the princes and lords of the earth. Thanks to your paternal solicitude the poor villager is no longer obliged to grovel before the proud seigneur of his parish; the unfortunate vassal can halt in his tracks the impetuous boar that piteously ravaged his crops; the timid soldier dares to complain when he is run down by the splendid coach of the superb publican; the modest priest can sit down in ease at the table of his most illustrious and most reverend superior; . . . the black African will no longer find himself compared to a stupid animal which, goaded by the prod of a fierce driver, irrigates our furrows with his sweat and blood. Talent, disengaged from the sorrowful confines of ignoble birth, can be developed with confidence, and he who possesses it will no longer bit forced to bow and scrape to get the support of an imbecile protector, to burn incense to an ignorant Creseus and to "monseigneur" a goat. At last, thanks to your good influence, a serene day will break above our heads, a new people, a people of citizens, wise and happy, will raise itself on the ruins of a barbarous people, and the stupified earth will witness the birth upon its very bosom of this golden age, this time of good fortune that until now only existed in the fabulous descriptions of the poets.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Ah! our masters! will we then be the only ones for whom the iron age will forever exist . . . ? Will we be the only ones who will not participate in this astonishing regeneration that will renew the face of France and revive its youthfulness like that of the eagle?&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;You have broken the scepter of despotism, you have pronounced the beautiful axiom [that] . . . the French are a free people. Yet still you allow thirteen million slaves shamefully to wear the irons of thirteen million despots! You have devined the true equality of rights—and you still unjustly withhold them from the sweetest and most interesting half among you! . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Finally, you have decreed that the path to dignities and honors should be open without prejudice to all talents; yet you continue to throw up insurmountable barriers to our own! Can you think, then, that nature, this mother who is so generous to all her children, has been stingy to us, and that she only grants her graces and favors to our pitiless tyrants? Open the great book of the past and see what illustrious women have done in all ages, the honor of their provinces, the glory of our sex, and judge what we would be capable of, if your blind presumption, your masculine aristocracy, did not incessantly chain down our courage, our wisdom, and our talents. [Here follows six pages on women's contributions: Ed.]&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Ah! our masters; do not henceforth leave in ignominious darkness these qualities, which are so glorious for us and of such great interest to the nation. Dare this very day to alter in our favor the old injustices of your sex; give us the possibility to work like you and with you for the glory and happiness of the French people, and if, as we hope, you consent to share your empire with us, we will no longer owe this precious advantage to our attractiveness; and your own susceptibility to it, but solely to your justice, to our talents, and to the sacredness of your laws.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Wherefore, we depose the following proposal for a decree that we believe has bearing on the subject:&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Proposal for a Decree&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The National Assembly, wishing to reform the greatest and most universal of abuses, and to repair the wrongs of a six-thousand-year long injustice, has decreed and decrees as follows:&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;1) All the privileges of the male sex are entirely and irrevocably abolished throughout France;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;2) The feminine sex will always enjoy the same liberty, advantages, rights, and honors as does the masculine sex;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;3) The masculine gender (&lt;i&gt;genre&lt;/i&gt;) will no longer be regarded, even grammatically, as the more noble &lt;i&gt;genre,&lt;/i&gt; given that all genders, all sexes, and all beings should be and are equally noble;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;4) That no one will henceforth insert in acts, contracts, obligations, etc., this clause, so common but so insulting for women: &lt;i&gt;That the wife is authorized by her husband before those present,&lt;/i&gt; because in the household both parties should enjoy the same power and authority;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;5) That wearing breeches will no longer be the exclusive prerogative of the male sex, but each sex will have the right to wear them in turn;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;6) When a soldier has, out of cowardice, compromised French honor, he will no longer be degraded as is the present custom, by making him wear women's clothing; but as the two sexes are and must be equally honorable in the eyes of humanity, he will henceforth be punished by declaring his gender to be neuter.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;7) All persons of the feminine sex must be admitted without exception to the district and departmental assemblies, elevated to municipal responsibilities and even as deputies to the National Assembly, when they fulfill the requirements set forth in the electoral laws. They will have both consultative and deliberative voices . . . ;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;8) They can also be appointed as Magistrates. There is no better way to reconcile the public with the courts of justice than to seat beauty and to see the graces presiding there;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;9) The same applies to all positions, compensations, and military dignities. In this way the French will be truly invincible, when their courage is inspired by the joint themes of glory and love; we do not even make exception for the staff of a marshal of France; so that justice can be rendered equally, we order this instrument to be passed alternatively between men and women;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;10) Nor do we hesitate to open the sanctuary to the feminine sex, which has so long rightly been referred to as the devoted sex. But since the piety of the faithful has noticeably diminished, said sex promises and obligates itself, when it mounts the chair of truth, to moderate its zeal and not make excessive demands on the attention of the audience. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1789-10-00</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Rêquete des dames l'Assemblée Nationale (1789)&lt;/i&gt;, translated by Karen Offen, reprinted in &lt;i&gt;Les Femmes dans le Révolution Française 1789–1794, &lt;/i&gt;presentés par Albert Soboul, vol. 1 (Paris, 1982). The editors thank Karen Offen for supplying this document.</text>
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                <text>This petition was addressed to the National Assembly sometime after the October 1789 march of women on Versailles. The authors were clearly well acquainted with the &lt;i&gt;Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen&lt;/i&gt;, as well as with the many prior publications about the historical accomplishments of celebrated women. They were also conversant with the concept of "genre" (gender), understood as society’s construction of sexual difference.</text>
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                <text>Women's Petition to the National Assembly</text>
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                <text>October 1789</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Deposition Number LXXXIII&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Madelaine Glain, forty-two years old, a &lt;i&gt;faisease de menage &lt;/i&gt;[cleaning woman], wife of François Gaillard, an office clerk in the District de l'Oratoire with whom she lives on rue Froidmanteau, no. 40, testifies that, having been forced, as many women were, to follow the crowd that went to Versailles last Monday, 5 October, and having arrived at Sevrès near the porcelain manufactory, [and] a gentleman with a black decoration having asked them where they were going, they answered that they were going to ask for bread at Versailles. This gentleman urged them to behave themselves, but a woman whom the declarant knew to be a prostitute and who since then has been living with Lagrement, a soft drink peddler on rue Bailleul, having said that she was going to Versailles to bring back the queen's head, was sharply reproached by the others. Having arrived at the streets leading to Versailles, this same woman stopped a mounted Royal Guardsman, to whom she delivered many insults, threatening him with a bad, rusty sword which she held open in her hand. This Royal Guardsman said that she was a wretch, and in order to [make her] release the bridle of his horse, which she was holding, he struck her a blow which inflicted an arm wound. Having come at last to the Chateau with the intention of informing His Majesty concerning the motives of their proceedings, she, the declarant, found herself locked in, that is to say, her skirts caught on two spikes of the gate, from which a Swiss Guard released her. After that she went with the other women to the hall of the National Assembly, where they entered, many strong. Some of these women having asked for the four-pound loaf at eight &lt;i&gt;sols&lt;/i&gt;, and for meat at the same price, she, the declarant, called for silence, and then she said that they were asking that they not be lacking bread, but not [that it be fixed] at the price these women were wanting to have it. She did not go with the deputation to the Chateau but returned with Sieur Maillard and two other women to the Hôtel-de-Ville in Paris to bring back the decrees they were given at the National Assembly. Monsieur the mayor and the representatives of the commune were satisfied and received them with joy. Then she, the declarant, was led by the National Guard to the District de l'Oratoire to convey this good news. She cannot give us any news concerning what happened at Versailles on the sixth, but she learned, without being able to say from whom, that someone named Nicolas, a model in the academy, who lived at the home of Poujet, rue Champfleuri, on that day, Tuesday, had cut off the heads of two Royal Guards who had been massacred by the people, and since then the above-mentioned Nicolas has not reappeared in the quartier.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Deposition Number LXXXV&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Jeanne Dorothée Delaissement, age twenty-eight, a mistress seamstress, widow of Philippe Brenair, living in Paris, rue Mauconseil, at the house of the wheelwright, opposite rue Française, stated that on last Monday, 5 October, in the morning, she, the declarant, was forced to go, as many other women were, with the crowd that wanted to go to Versailles. The women who dragged her in first led her to the Hôtel-de-Ville and then to Versailles. She saw nothing worth mentioning along the way. She knows that an individual whom she did not know at that time, but whom she came to know afterwards, named Maillard went to a great deal of trouble to keep order among the women, who were armed with pikes, sticks, pieces of iron, and other things, and that he succeeded in getting them to disarm en route. When they arrived at Versailles, a soldier dressed in a blue costume, who she learned was in the Regiment of Flanders, told her, in answer to her questions about people they should be suspicious of, that the Flanders Regiment would do them no harm, but that they must beware of the Royal Guards, who, during a meal, had trampled the national cockade. She, the declarant, did not go the Chateau or to the meeting hall of the National Assembly, etc.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Deposition 343, 18 June 1790&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Marie-Rose Barre, age twenty, unmarried, a lace-worker, residing at 61, rue Meslay, upon oath . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Deposes that on 5 October, last, at about eight o'clock in the morning, going to take back some work, she was stopped at the Pont Notre Dame by about a hundred women, who told her that it was necessary for her to go with them to Versailles to ask for bread there. Not being able to resist this great number of women, she decided to go with them. At the hamlet at the Point-du-Jour, two young men, unknown to her, who were on foot and going their way, told them that they were running a great risk, that there were cannons mounted at the bridge at Saint Cloud. This did not prevent them from continuing on their way. At Sevrès they had some refreshments; then they continued on their way toward Versailles. The two young men of whom she spoke met them near Viroflay and told them that they had escaped at Saint Cloud but that at Versailles they would be fired on. But they continued on their way. At Versailles they found the King's Guards lined up in three ranks before the palace. A gentleman dressed in the uniform of the King's Guards, who, she was told, was the duc de Guiche, came to ask them what they wanted of the king, recommending peaceful behavior on their part. They answered that they were coming to ask him for bread. This gentleman was absent for a few minutes and then returned to take four of them to introduce them to the king. The deponent was one of the four. Before taking them to the king, he led them to the comte d'Affry, who requested that they be introduced to His Majesty right away, which was done.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;They spoke first to M. de Saint-Priest, and then to His Majesty, whom they asked for bread. His Majesty answered them that he was suffering at least as much as they were, to see them lacking it, and that so far as he was able he had taken care to prevent them from experiencing a dearth. Upon the king's response they begged him to be so good as to arrange escorts for the flour transports intended for the provisioning of Paris, because according to what they had been told at the bridge in Sevrès by the two young men of whom she spoke earlier, only two wagons out of seventy intended for Paris actually arrived there. The king promised them to have the flour escorted and said that if it depended on him, they would have bread then and there. They took leave of His Majesty and were led, by a gentleman in a blue uniform with red piping, into the apartments and courts of the palace to the ranks of the Flanders Regiment, to which they called out, "vive Le Roi!" It was then about nine o'clock. After this they retired into a house on rue Satory and went to bed in a stable. She does not know the names and addresses of the three women introduced to the king with her. Tired from the trip, having a swollen foot, she did not go Tuesday to the palace or the Place d'Armes, knows nothing, as a witness, of what happened there, and came back to Paris between four and five o'clock in the afternoon of that day in a carriage.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;She adds that a fortnight later a gentleman whom she heard called M. de Saint-Paul came to her place and asked her to go to a court commissioner to make a formal declaration of what M. de Saint-Priest told her on Monday, 5 October, at Versailles, when she presented herself to speak to the king. As the deponent did not know a court commissioner, Saint-Paul suggested Maitre Chenu. The deponent remarks that she was then living on rue du Four at the corner of rue des Ciseaux. . . . The commissioner. . . took her declaration. . . in which she sets forth that having heard it said, by the two young men mentioned above, that of seventy wagons of flour intended for Paris only two had arrived, she informed M. de Saint-Priest of this, and he answered that as the grain shortage was equally bad everywhere, it was not surprising that the inhabitants of places where flour passed through stopped it for their supply. Besides, the threshing season had not yet arrived, which caused the provisions to be smaller than they should be. . . . She told the commissioner that the minister did not say to her what was being attributed to him by the public: "When you had only one king, you had bread; now that you have twelve hundred of them, go and ask them for it," that in fact she did not hear the minister say this. Which is all that the deponent said she knows . . . and she has signed.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>From &lt;i&gt;Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795, &lt;/i&gt;edited and translated by Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson. Copyright 1979 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press, 47–50.</text>
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                <text>The commission investigating the events of October 1789 also interrogated many women who had participated. Most of them denied any role in the violence, but they did explain their mixture of political and economic motives, citing the high price of bread and their desire to explain their situation to the National Assembly.</text>
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                <text>Women Testify Concerning Their Participation in the October Days (1789)</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/474/</text>
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                <text>October 1789</text>
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        <name>Monarchy</name>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;August 17th.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The hall in which the Jacobins meet, is fitted up nearly in the same style with that of the National Assembly. The tribune, or pulpit from which the members speak, is opposite to that in which the president is seated: there is a table for the secretaries and galleries for a large audience of both sexes, in the one as in the other. Men are appointed, who walk through the hall to command, or rather solicit, silence when the debate becomes turbulent at the club of Jacobins, in the same manner as the huissiers do at the National Assembly, and usually with as little effect: the bell of the president, and voices of the huissiers, are equally disregarded in stormy debates at both Assemblies.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I have been told that some of the most distinguished members in point of talent and character, have lately with drawn from this society, and that it is not now on such a respectable footing as it has been. Robespierre, who was a member of the Constituent Assembly, and of course cannot be of the present, has great sway in the club of Jacobins, by which means his influence in the Assembly, and in the common council of Paris, is very considerable.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;There was not, properly speaking, a debate at the Jacobins to-day, but rather a series of violent speeches against him. I understand indeed, that of late the speakers are generally of one opinion; for Robespierre's partisans raise such a noise when any one attempts to utter sentiments opposite to what he is known to maintain, that the voice of the speaker is drowned, and he is obliged to yield the tribune to another orator whose doctrine is more palatable.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;There were abundance of women in the galleries; but as there were none in the body of the hall where the members are seated, I was surprised to see one enter and take her seat among them: she was dressed in a kind of English riding-habit, but her jacket was the uniform of the national guards. On enquiry, I was informed that the name of this amazon is Mademoiselle Theroigne: she distinguished herself in the action of the 10th, by rallying those who fled, and attacking a second time at the head of the Marseillois.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;She seems about one or two and thirty, is somewhat above the middle size of women, and has a smart martial air, which in a man would not be disagreeable.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;I walked home about nine: the night was uncommonly dark, my way lay across the Carousel, along the Pont Royal to the fauxbourg St. Germain. I have frequently come the same way alone from the Caffé de Foy in the Palais Royal after it was dark. I never was attacked, nor have I heard of a single street robbery, or house-breaking, since I have been in Paris.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This seems to me very remarkable, in the ungovernable state in which Paris may be supposed to be since the 10th of this month.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1791-08-17</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="4589">
                <text>John Moore,&lt;i&gt; Mordaunt: Sketches of Life, Characters and Manners in Various Countries, including the Memoirs of a French Lady&lt;/i&gt; (London: 1800).</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="4590">
                <text>An observer of Jacobin club meetings in 1791, in the passage below, describes somewhat disorderly debates, in which speakers are shouted down from the rostrum and women participate openly. This is indicative of what this author sees as the "ungovernable" situation in Paris.</text>
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                <text>402</text>
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                <text>Women at the Jacobins</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/402/</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="10793">
                <text>August 17, 1791</text>
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  <item itemId="446" public="1" featured="0">
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Session of Sunday, 19 May 1793.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;A deputation from the Cordeliers Club and the &lt;i&gt;citoyennes &lt;/i&gt;ofthe Revolutionary Society of Women is admitted. The &lt;i&gt;orator&lt;/i&gt;announces a petition drawn up by the members of these twosocieties Joined together and reads this petition, the substance ofwhich is as follows:&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;"Representatives of the people, the country is in the mostimminent danger; if you want to save it, the most energetic measuresmust be taken. . . . " (Noise)&lt;i&gt;.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;"I demand," the orator cries out, "the fullest attention."&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Calm is restored.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;He continues: If not, the people will save themselves. You are notunaware that the conspirators are awaiting only the departure of thevolunteers, who are going to fight our enemies in the Vendée,to immolate the patriots and everything they cherish most. To preventthe execution of these horrible projects, hasten to decree thatsuspect men will be placed under arrest immediately, thatrevolutionary tribunals will be set up in all the Departments and inthe Sections of Paris.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;For a long while the Brissots, the Gaudets, the Vergniauds, theGensonnes, the Buzots, the Barbarouxes, etc., have been pointed outas being the general staff of the counterrevolutionary army. Why doyou hesitate to issue charges against them? Criminals are not sacredanywhere.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Legislators, you cannot refuse the French people this great act ofjustice. That would be to declare yourselves their accomplices; thatwould be to prove that several among you fear the light which thetrial investigation of these suspect members would cause toflash.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;We ask that you establish in every city revolutionary armies composed of &lt;i&gt;sans-culottes&lt;/i&gt;, proportional in size to the population; that the army of Paris be increased to forty thousand men, paid at the expense of the rich at a rate of forty sous a day. We ask that in all public places workshops be set up where iron be converted into all kinds of weapons.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Legislators, strike out at the speculators, the hoarders, and the egotistical merchants. A horrible plot exists to cause the people to die of hunger by setting an enormous price on goods. At the head of this plot is the mercantile aristocracy of an insolent caste, which wants to assimilate itself to royalty and to hoard all riches by forcing up the price of goods of prime necessity in order to satisfy its cupidity. Exterminate all these scoundrels; the Fatherland will be rich enough if it is left with the &lt;i&gt;sans-culottes&lt;/i&gt; and their virtues. Legislators! Come to the aid of all unfortunate people. This is the call of nature; this is the vow of true patriots. Our heart is torn by the spectacle of public misery. Our intention is to raise men up again; we do not want a single unfortunate person in the Republic. Purify the Executive Council; expel a Gohier, a Garat, a Le Brun, etc.; renew the directory of the postal service and all corrupted administrations, etc.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;A large number of people, the orator cries out, must bear thisaddress to the Convention. What! Patriots are still sleeping and arebusy with insignificant discussions while perfidious journals openlyprovoke the people! We will see whether our enemies will dare showthemselves opposed to measures on which the happiness of a republicdepends.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The President. The Society hears with the keenest satisfaction theaccents of the most ardent patriotism; it will second your effortswith all its courage, for it has the same principles, and it hasevinced the same opinion. Whatever the means and the efforts of ourenemies, liberty will not perish because there will remain forever inthe heart of Frenchmen this sentiment that insurrection is theultimate reason of the people. (Applauded.)&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1793-05-19</text>
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                <text>From &lt;i&gt;Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795, &lt;/i&gt;edited and translated by Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson. Copyright 1979 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press, 150 - 151.</text>
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                <text>Popular clubs in Paris, unlike electoral assemblies, were not limited to men, at least in the early months of the Republic. One of the most active and radical clubs composed entirely of women, the Society of Revolutionary Republican Women, collaborated with the Cordeliers and Jacobins in petitioning for aggressive action by the government against what they called "enemies of the Republic,"meaning Girondin deputies, "aristocratic" landowners, "hoarding"peasants, and unpatriotic "speculators," all of whom were accused of placing short–term personal interest and profit over the general goodof all citizens.In the first weeks following the formation of the Society of Revolutionary Republican Women, the Society’s members cemented advantageous working alliances with well–established, influential revolutionary organizations that shared their demand for a systematic politics of terror against enemies of the Republic—Girondins, aristocrats, hoarders, speculators. Exploiting its members’ earlier affiliations with the Cordeliers Club, delegates joined forces with members of that club and formed a joint deputation to the all–powerful Jacobin Society. In this way, nine days after its formation, the society was able to publicize its petition recapitulating the tactics and goals of terror.</text>
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                <text>404</text>
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                <text>Women at the Cordeliers</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="10982">
                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/404/</text>
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                <text>May 19, 1793</text>
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