A British Observer of the September Massacres
A British diplomat in Paris here describes, in dispatches back to London, the goings–on in Paris in early September, in light of news of advances by the Duke of Brunswick’s Prussian forces toward the capital. This diplomat was naturally most concerned with reporting the readiness of the Parisians to resist the British, which is evident in his focus on the National Assembly’s call to arms and the outbreak of popular violence.
Oscar Browning, ed., <i>The Despatches of Earl Gower</i> (Cambridge University Press, 1885), 213–16, 219–21, 223–28.
September 3, 1792
https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/393/
393
Prudhomme’s Description of the Coup against the Girondins (31 May–2 June 1793)
Throughout the spring of 1793, radicals in the Convention, in the Paris Commune, and in the sections struggled for power against Jean–Pierre Brissot and his allies, known as the "Girondins." They differed over how the revolution should be affected by popular pressure. In late May, Robespierre proposed a motion that accused the Girondins of being a threat to the Republic and ordered their arrest. When the moderate deputies of the "Plain" resisted passing this measure, radicals from the sections mobilized over the course of three days, from 31 May to 2 June, culminating in a show of force by surrounding the Convention Hall. Duly intimidated, the Convention deputies voted for the measure. But even though the die was cast, most Jacobins were uneasy about resorting to such a direct threat that might later undermine their authority. Twenty–nine deputies from the Girondin faction were expelled from the Convention and placed under house arrest. In the aftermath of the coup, the radical faction known as "the Mountain," which usually followed Robespierre’s lead, took control of the Convention and the Committee of Public Safety.
<i>Les Révolutions de Paris</i> (1793), 422–29.
May 31, 1793
https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/394/
394
Clubs for the People
By creating a fictional man named Jacques who must go to his workshop every day so he can support his family, yet who also wants to do his patriotic duty by following political events, the <i>Révolutions de Paris, </i>in this article that appeared in late 1790, calls upon the government to create and to support popular political clubs. The purpose is to ensure that the most patriotic elements of the "people" (and not just wealthy and well–educated professionals) can have their say in the course of the Revolution.
Les Révolutions de Paris, no. 73 (27 November–4 December 1790), 401–6.
November 27, 1790
https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/398/
398
National Assembly Debate on Clubs (20 September 1791)
The "Champ de Mars Massacre" inaugurated a brief period of political repression directed at the popular movement and dramatized the growing tension between the claims of political activism and the desire of moderates to bring the Revolution to an orderly close. This issue was foremost in the minds of the representatives in the very last days of the Constituent Assembly, as they debated a proposal for a new decree limiting the political role of clubs. The decree was adopted but never implemented.
M. J. Mavidal and M. E. Laurent, eds., <i>Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860, </i>première série (1787 <i>à</i> 1799), 2d ed., 82 vols. (Paris: Dupont, 1879–1913), 31:617–23.
September 20, 1790
https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/399/
399
Rules of the Jacobins
In contrast to Le Chapelier’s fears that all clubs, even the Jacobins, actually subverted the political process, the Jacobins saw themselves as ensuring the proper functioning of the constitution and allowing full participation by patriotic citizens in the political process, as seen in this excerpt from the club’s rules drawn up in 1790.
Alphonse Aulard,<i> La Société des Jacobins: Recueil de documents pour l'histoire du Club des Jacobins de Paris</i>, 6 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1889–97), 1:xi.
1790
https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/400/
400
Activities of the Jacobins
The Englishman Arthur Young, who was in France during the early stages of the Revolution, recorded his observations. In this letter from mid–January 1790, he describes a Jacobin club meeting, which he depicts as being highly procedural in nature as it elects new leaders.
Arthur Young, <i>Travels in France and Italy</i> (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1934), 320–21.
January 7, 1790
https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/401/
401
Women at the Jacobins
An observer of Jacobin club meetings in 1791, in the passage below, describes somewhat disorderly debates, in which speakers are shouted down from the rostrum and women participate openly. This is indicative of what this author sees as the "ungovernable" situation in Paris.
John Moore,<i> Mordaunt: Sketches of Life, Characters and Manners in Various Countries, including the Memoirs of a French Lady</i> (London: 1800).
August 17, 1791
https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/402/
402
Police Report on a Session of the Cordeliers
In the passage below, a police observer of a Cordelier Club meeting notes the ongoing concern of the participants to identify and then to denounce "conspiracies" against the republic, even when the conspitators had been very recently integral to the club. In this case, the focus is on Hébert, editor of the <i>Père Duchesne</i>.
W. Markov and Albert Soboul, <i>Die Sanculotten von Paris Dokumente zur Geschichte ver Voksbewegung</i> (1957), no. 69.
March 16, 1794
https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/403/
403
Women at the Cordeliers
Popular clubs in Paris, unlike electoral assemblies, were not limited to men, at least in the early months of the Republic. One of the most active and radical clubs composed entirely of women, the Society of Revolutionary Republican Women, collaborated with the Cordeliers and Jacobins in petitioning for aggressive action by the government against what they called "enemies of the Republic,"meaning Girondin deputies, "aristocratic" landowners, "hoarding"peasants, and unpatriotic "speculators," all of whom were accused of placing short–term personal interest and profit over the general goodof all citizens.In the first weeks following the formation of the Society of Revolutionary Republican Women, the Society’s members cemented advantageous working alliances with well–established, influential revolutionary organizations that shared their demand for a systematic politics of terror against enemies of the Republic—Girondins, aristocrats, hoarders, speculators. Exploiting its members’ earlier affiliations with the Cordeliers Club, delegates joined forces with members of that club and formed a joint deputation to the all–powerful Jacobin Society. In this way, nine days after its formation, the society was able to publicize its petition recapitulating the tactics and goals of terror.
From <i>Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795, </i>edited and translated by Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson. Copyright 1979 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press, 150 - 151.
May 19, 1793
https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/404/
404
Proceedings of the Quinze–Vingts Section
In late July and early August 1792, amid ongoing rancor over the King’s role in the government and fears that he would betray the nation to the invading Prussians, various Parisian sections began petitioning for Louis to be deposed. In the text below, the radical "Section of the 300" decides to join with other sections in a demonstration being organized against the King.
Philippe-Joseph-Benjamin Buchez and Prosper-Charles Roux, <i>Histoire parlementaire de la Révolution Française</i> (Paulin: Paris, 1834–38), 16:403–8.
August 3, 1792
https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/405/
405