22 10 347 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document To Citizen Fréron, Government agent. Citizen, Citizen Bouisson, the Widow Janniquet, with full confidence in the justice you represent, shall describe for you how, on 22 Brumaire [12 November 1794] of last year [Year III], she had stopped at the district's administrative board on a matter concerning some farmland. She had spared no expense on this nation's asset in order to keep it in good condition and to produce an abundant harvest. At that point, Citizen Augustin Baux, émigré and former owner of the house prior to his fleeing the country, took advantage of the law of 22 Germinal [11 April 1795] and 22 Prairial [10 June 1795] which allows workers, seamen, sailors, bakers, and health officials to return to the territory of the republic. He had learned, through plotting and subterfuge, how to change his profession from being a merchant in wholesale cloth, to being a health official. Under this spurious pretext, he was able to give the illusion of being a member of this occupation. Through bribes, he was wrongly and without basis struck from the record. He then attacked our speaker, the Widow Janniquet, bringing her before the arbitration committee, which sent her to the district court. His claims went so far as to demand half of the harvest. [After his request was rejected], she was left in peace for a brief period. However, Citizen Baux again appealed to the same court, which, this time, judged in favor of this émigré, granting him not just half the harvest, but all of this year's crop. As a result, he had the olives seized that the aforementioned Citizen Janniquet had had taken to a mill to have pitted. Upon seeing herself deprived of an asset that she believed to have been legitimately due and accorded to her by this unforeseen and arbitrary bureaucratic stroke, she now turns to you for recourse to obtain the restoration of the above-mentioned olives which are rightfully hers. Imbued with the humanity and justice that are the tenets of your work, she hopes that you will look kindly upon her lawful claim. Sincerely in brotherhood, Signed Thérèse Bouisson, the widow Janniquet. Sortable Date 1795-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Louis-Marie Stanislas, Mémoire historique sur la réaction royale, et sur les massacres du Midi; avec des notes et des pièces justificatives (Paris: Chez Louvet, 1796), 249–51. Translated by Exploring the French Revolution project staff from original documents in French found in John Hardman, French Revolution Documents 1792–95, vol. 2 (New York: Barnes & Noble Books, 1973), 285–86. Description An account of the resource Once in power, the Directorial government appeared poised to preserve the gains of the Revolution while undoing what some considered the excesses of the period of Jacobin ascendancy. Yet precisely what the Revolution’s gains were—beyond the elimination of the monarchy and remnants of feudalism—remained unclear. One perspective, that of the émigré nobles, held that the fall of the Convention signaled a restoration of their confiscated lands, which they reappropriated from those who had purchased them earlier in the decade. In this letter, the widow of one such purchaser, a sailor killed in combat, appeals to the government to recognize her right to the newly acquired lands over the claims of the returning noble family from whom they had been seized. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 452 Title A name given to the resource "Letter to Fréron: Émigrés Return" by Thérèse Bouisson Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/452/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1795 Counterrevolution Nobility Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Above all, increase the number of civil commissioners and the commissioners for correspondence and for distributing printed works, of which I will again be sending you many copies of all types, as well as commissioners for the distribution of assignats [bank notes], munitions, weapons, clothes, etc., that I will be sending you. Remember well that all of these effects, mostly second-rate, should be evenly distributed, and should be always given to those farthest away, because you are closer to receive them. I hope that Théobald has made every effort to succeed in the negotiations with the republican general. We are waiting for news of it here with the utmost impatience. If he has been successful, he will have accomplished everything in one blow. . . . I have not been able to find the officers for whom Théobald gave me the letters. They are stationed far away. I am forming a small body of artillery and engineers here that shall be a great help to you. My manufacturing will soon be in full swing. I already have seventy workers, and before long, you will have a million a day, then two, etc. You can see how this method can be effective in any situation. Make good use of them. Let them enrich the countryside, win over the cities, etc. In this package you will be receiving about 10 million francs, uniforms, coats, pants, white scarves, undergarments, leather belts, (similar to those of Perchais), two printed letters from the Count of Artois [the future Charles X], one of which is addressed to you. . . . (The riding coats are not ready yet), the red uniform, buttoned across the chest with the white scarf slung over the shoulder, the pale-green coat, the undergarment, the green pants with sheepskin patches, the green riding coat, the round hat with the white foxtail and white plume. To this I am adding sixty pairs of boots, and soon you will have everything you need. I have placed several uniform buttons in this package, and I will try to send a large number of them so that each of our soldiers will have at least one that they can place on their hat while we are waiting for the rest for their uniforms. You will receive these in bulk when the door is opened. Ask for anything you are missing, or that I have not thought of. I am having twenty pairs of large-caliber double-barrel pistols made, but there will only be twenty because they are terribly expensive. Divide them, as well as the rest of the items, between yourself and Morbihan. Especially make sure that our friends from Fougères, Vitré, etc., receive something often. These few items will keep them, and the hope of a larger service coming their way, should protect everyone against the proclamations and amnesties which are the sign of the fright and powerlessness of the [National] Convention, against which we preparing a campaign which shall be stronger than the others. They will not have the means to fight this one, and that we will be assisting it. . . . Delay the day of revenge, and let those who repent become our friends. You will certainly come across some unhappy republicans, and they are the most useful. As soon as I can, I shall send you a picture of the blessed Louis [XVI], martyr, and of his son [Louis XVII], our King—which will please our good friends. Sortable Date 1794-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Anonymous, Correspondance secrète de Charette, vol. 1 (Paris, 1798–99), 113–21. Translated by Exploring the French Revolution project staff from original documents in French found in John Hardman, French Revolution Documents 1792–95, vol. 2 (New York: Barnes & Noble Books, 1973), 421–23. Description An account of the resource The fall of Robespierre and the Mountain in the summer of 1794 also reinvigorated counterrevolutionary forces, especially those hoping to restore royal authority in the person of the son of the "martyr" Louis XVI. We see evidence of efforts to coordinate royalist military action against the Republic in the letter below, by the Chouan leader Puisaye to the "Catholic Central Committee." Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 454 Title A name given to the resource Puisaye to the Central Catholic Committee Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/454/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1794 Counterrevolution Monarchy Nobility Peasants Provinces Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Verona, 8 July 1795 Sir, it was with pleasure that I received the demonstration of your affection for me, but I did not need a demonstration of your faithfulness, for I would not deserve to be served by you and your brave companions-in-arms if I had had the least doubt on this question. Providence has placed me on the throne. The first and most important use that I can make of my authority is to confer a legal title to the command that until now has been yours due to your courage, to your exploits, and to the confidence of my brave and faithful subjects. I therefore name you general in my Catholic and Royal army. In obeying you, it is me that they shall be obeying. I have not as yet had the opportunity to tell you that I had named you Lieutenant-General in July 1794. But it is not only with weapons that you can serve me. One of my first duties is to speak to my subjects, to encourage the good and reassure the timid. Such is the purpose of the Declaration that I am sending you and that I am asking you to publish. I could not confide it to anyone who could give it more weight than you. It is possible, though, that your truce with the rebels will still be in effect when this Declaration will reach you, so it would probably be imprudent for you to publish it yourself. But even in this case, I think that you are still more able than any other to have it circulated throughout my kingdom. If, on the contrary, you have again taken up arms, nothing should delay a work as essential as this. I work with all my strength to speed the moment when, reunited with you, I will be able to show you how a sovereign can gloriously demonstrate his appreciation for you, and to my subjects, for whom I am less a king than a father. I flattered myself that England was finally to bring my brother to you, but at this moment, it seems to me more unsure than ever. It does not matter, . . . the greater the obstacles, the more energy I expend in overcoming them. And I shall overcome them. Sir, continue to serve me as you served my predecessor, and have faith that if something can alleviate this burden that Providence has ordered me to carry, it shall be by that same Providence that I shall be able to reward the most important service a king has ever received. Signed, Louis. Sortable Date 1795-07-08 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Anonymous, Correspondance secrète de Charette, vol. 1 (Paris, 1798–99), 19–20. Translated by Exploring the French Revolution project staff from original documents in French found in John Hardman, French Revolution Documents 1792–95, vol. 2 (New York: Barnes & Noble Books, 1973), 423–24. Description An account of the resource The "Central Committee" organizing royalist efforts in 1795 was led by François–Athanése de Charette de la Contrie, a former nobleman. He had participated in the Vendéan uprising in 1793, with the goal of restoring to the throne the nearest living relative to the executed Louis XVI—his brother the Count of Provence who had already taken the name Louis XVIII. (For royalists, the son of Louis XVI, who had died in 1795, had been Louis XVII.) In the letter below, Louis XVIII writes to Charette, expressing the need not only for military action, but also to win over public opinion through a declaration of principles to the people. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 455 Title A name given to the resource Louis XVIII to Charette Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/455/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July 8, 1795 Counterrevolution Monarchy Nobility Provinces Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Fréron gave the watchword to the "gilded youth" (jeunesse dorée), as they called the group he had organized. As a rallying sign these young people wore their hair in what they called "victim style," that is to say, well powdered and braided at the back of the head, in contrast to the style of the patriots, who wore their hair short and without powder. In imitation of the leaders of the Chouans and Vendée they wore coats with black collars; only a white cockade was missing for an open declaration of counterrevolution. . . .Fréron's army consisted of hot-blooded young men who had never had anything to lose, and who claimed to be pathetic victims of the Terror with a duty to avenge their relatives who had died on the scaffold. . . .This groupÕs duties were to police the Palais-Royal and the Tuileries gardens daily, and to sing the "People's Awakening," [Réveil du peuple] every verse of which called for the death of the republicans, whom they called 'terrorists.' The chorus ended with the words: "They shall not escape us!"In their leisure moments they amused themselves with a sort of galop dance which they called a 'farandole'. . . Anyone who refused to join in was grabbed and thrown into the water troughs. Exploits worthy of such an army! . . .Fréron altered his allegiance, but that did not alter his character. Still violent and inclined towards extremes, at the convention he demanded that the city hall of Paris be torn down because it had served as a shelter for Robespierre. He also wanted the Jacobins' club demolished . . . .As a result of pressure from the jeunesse dorée, the Paris Jacobin Club was closed down by the decree of 12 November 1794 (22 Brumaire Year III).The united Committees of General Security, Public Safety, Legislation and the Army, decree:Sessions of the Society of Jacobins of Paris are suspended.The meeting hall of this Society shall immediately be locked and the keys deposited at the secretariat of the Committee of General Security. Sortable Date 1794-11-12 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Victor Barrucand, ed., Mémoires et Notes de [Pierre-Réné] Choudieu (Paris: Plon, 1897), 292Ð300. Description An account of the resource Across France, the period of the Directory witnessed revenge against those who had carried out revolutionary justice during the Terror. Opponents of the Jacobins forced them from office and sought to prevent them from participating in politics. In Paris, this so–called white terror was carried out by the "Gilded Youth," a gang of youths from wealthy backgrounds who considered themselves the antithesis of the sans–culottes and whose actions eventually helped pressure the government to close down the Paris Jacobin Club, as we see in the excerpts of the memoirs of a left–wing politician from late 1794. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 456 Title A name given to the resource The Gilded Youth Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/456/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 12, 1794 Counterrevolution Nobility Popular Politics Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Proclamation of the Directory to the French People 9 September 1797 (23 Fructidor Year V) The French people have entrusted the custody of their Constitution primarily to the fidelity of the Legislative Body and the executive power. A royalist plot, whose organization has been long in the making and which has been skillfully woven and patiently sustained, has threatened the integrity of this trust. The Executive Directory discovered the plan and arrested the guilty parties, while the Legislative Body immediately took the necessary measures. Blood has not been shed. Common sense prevailed over force; valor and discipline restricted its use. National justice has been sanctioned by the composure of the People. It was obvious to everyone that there was no desire for change, but rather that everything return to its place. The Legislative Body and the Executive Directory have performed their duty. But the French people have also re-entrusted their basic charter to the loyalty of the administrators and judges, to the enlightened vigilance of the fathers of families, to wives and mothers, to the virtuous love of young citizens, and lastly, to the courage characteristic of all Frenchmen. Administrators, judges, fathers, wives, mothers, young citizens, Frenchmen of every age and calling, have you fulfilled your oaths? Have you kept that which was entrusted to you? Open your eyes Frenchmen, for it is high time you noticed the trap into which the King's friends and France's enemies wished to lure you. In order to put you back under the yoke which you have broken and so that you would think that you were returning there of your own volition, they placed corrupt men in all public offices; men who are as skillful as they are perverse. Men capable of turning the power that they had been given to defend and strengthen the People's liberty, against that very liberty. In your courts, they had judges who lie, who abused the independence that the Constitution had given them, and used their power only to absolve or protect the enemies of the fatherland. Above all, they had left nothing undone that would help return France to its monarchical system or that would subject institutions, festivals, manners, and customs to despotism. They were well aware that man is a creature of habit, and that by changing man's habits, man himself is changed. Without a doubt, monarchical systems admirably suited the conspirators' aims. It was important for them to reshape the mass of the nation in the royal mold. But an indignant nation spurns them. The Republic has triumphed, and republican systems shall prove and consolidate their triumph. This shall be the sign and the fruit of victory. The republican spirit, republican ethic, and republican institutions and customs must prevail today. To embrace them however, we must first better understand them, and this starts by defining them more precisely. The republican spirit . . . is composed of all that is just, equitable, good, and kind in men. Sortable Date 1797-09-09 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Hall Stewart, A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution (New York: Macmillan, 1951), 695–96. (Slightly retranslated) Description An account of the resource The Directorial legislatures were formed in 1795 primarily of holdovers from the Convention, so the elections in the fall of 1797 were the first open legislative elections since 1792. The result, to the consternation of the executive council of the Directory, which had hoped to consolidate the gains of the Revolution, was a majority of right–wing and even openly royalist deputies. Rather than seat this new legislature and risk a right–wing coup, the Directory decided to annul the election results. To justify its action, the government issued the following proclamation announcing that it had uncovered a right–wing plot against the Republic and promised to uphold what it called "republican institutions." Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 457 Title A name given to the resource Rise of the Right Leading to the Coup of 18 Fructidor: Proclamation of 9 September 1797 Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/457/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September 9, 1797 Counterrevolution Monarchy Provinces Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Once again, they [the Mountain] tried to reestablish terror in the heart of the Convention. Virulent reports and speeches were delivered, the dangers were exaggerated, and the Convention was accused of having squandered the fruits of victory of [crushing a riot on] 13 Vendémiaire [5 October 1795]. Petitions were filed which stated that the patriots of '89 had trembled "under the ridiculous pretext of an imaginary terror," and they called for the annulment of elections and the deportation of all the royalists. The only topics of discussion were about saving the People, measures to take for the public safety and all those boring clichés, fateful harbingers of tyranny. The witness stand and the tribunal echoed only with the most revolutionary of proposals. The Mountain displayed an audacity such as had never been seen. The public courts were rich with accomplices who applauded thunderously, outraging the deputies, calling for the respect due the constitution, and who struggled with all their might to stop this torrent. . . . Even though their leaders had the upper hand in the committees, they were still bothered there by the presence of their colleagues, such as myself, who did not agree with their plans. . . . [Paul] Barras, a general and a deputy, dictator to the camp and to the tribunal, summed up the events of 13 Vendémiaire, and what preceded and followed that date. In his report, he suggested that since the 9th of Thermidor [the fall of Robespierre], nothing had been done except things that helped the counterrevolution, and said that "terrorist was an insignificant word." He accused [Jacques-François] Menou of complicity with the leaders of the rebellious sections, and asserted that the column [of soldiers] that appeared by the Quatre-Nations bridge during the day on the 13th, had marched forward yelling "Long Live the King." . . . In the evening, I had returned home, my heart overflowing with bitterness. Summing up in a word the immense progress that the Mountain had made in so few days, I despaired for the State. Since the 13th, the Convention no longer deliberated except in the midst of an armed camp. In the surrounding areas, the tribunals, even the rooms themselves, were taken over by soldiers and terrorists. According to the limits that we ourselves had set for ending the session, we only had four more days of existence, but I trembled that these limits would be overruled and that we would once again be set adrift in the revolutionary ocean. On the 1st of Brumaire [23 October], I returned to the Convention, full of these sad forebodings. I met a group of representatives of the Mountain on the terrace of the Tuileries who had been arrested in Prairial, and recently released by the governmental committees. These deputies surrounded me and said, "Today is the day that the Commission of Five is supposed to propose measures for public good, annul the elections, and adjourn the meeting of the legislative body. Patriots are counting on you." "They are right to count on me," I replied, "and I am heading there to stymie these appalling projects." I went into the hall, excited by the imminence of danger and going over in my head the ways to prevent it. I could neither put my thoughts in order, nor contain myself. . . . Put on the defensive, the Committee of Five no longer had the strength to prevent the next legislature from being seated. The Convention decreed only that the commission would deliver its report the next day and adjourned the session, convinced that it had escaped a great danger and determined not to let the fruits of this victory be stolen. Sortable Date 1795-10-05 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Antoine-Claire Thibaudeau, Mémoires sur la Convention: et le Directorie, vol. 1 (Paris: Baudouin frères, 1824), 243–62. Translated by Exploring the French Revolution project staff from original documents in French found in John Hardman, French Revolution Documents 1792–95, vol. 2 (New York: Barnes & Noble Books, 1973), 276–78. Description An account of the resource The Directory’s constitution had ensured the rights of assembly, free speech, and a limited suffrage; for former Jacobins now deprived of their clubs and of their power in the legislature, these constitutional liberties offered the potential to rebuild a democratic movement. To others, especially the Directory’s leaders, the possibility of a revived network of clubs and newspapers represented more than just a desire to participate in politics under the terms of the new constitution; such a revival was too evocative of the Terror. Thus, one such leader, Antoine–Claire Thibaudeau wrote here of Jacobin speeches in the legislature as trying "to reestablish the Terror." Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 458 Title A name given to the resource Revival of the Mountain Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/458/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource October 5, 1795 Clubs Popular Politics Provinces Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 1. Nature has bestowed upon each and every individual an equal right to the enjoyment of property [tous les biens]. 2. The purpose of society is to defend such equality, often assailed by the strong and the wicked in the state of nature, and to augment the general welfare through the cooperation of all. 3. Nature has imposed upon each and every individual the obligation to work; anyone who evades his share of labor is a criminal. 4. Both work and benefits must be common to all. 5. There is oppression when one person is exhausted by labor and is destitute of everything, while another lives in luxury without doing any work at all. 6. Anyone who appropriates exclusively to himself the products of the earth or of manufacture is a criminal. 7. In a real society, there ought to be neither rich nor poor. 8. The rich who are not willing to renounce their surplus in favor of the poor are enemies of the people. 9. No one, by accumulating to himself all power, may deprive another of the instruction necessary for his welfare. Education ought to be common to all. 10. The aim of the French Revolution is to destroy inequality and to reestablish the general welfare. 11. The Revolution is not complete, because the rich monopolize all the property and govern exclusively, while the poor toil like slaves, languish in misery, and count for nothing in the State. 12. The Constitution of 1793 is the real law of Frenchmen, because the people have solemnly accepted it; because the Convention had no right to change it; because, in order to supersede it, the Convention has caused people to be shot for demanding that it be put into effect; because it has pursued and slaughtered deputies who were performing their duty by defending it; because terror against the people, and the influence of émigrés, have presided over the fabrication and the alleged acceptance of the Constitution of 1795, despite the fact that it is not supported by a quarter of the votes obtained by that on 1793; because the Constitution of 1793 has sanctioned the inalienable right of every citizen to consent to the laws, to enjoy political rights, to meet in assembly, to demand what he deems useful, to receive education, and not to die of hunger; rights which the counterrevolutionary Act of 1795 openly and totally violated. 13. Every citizen is obligated to reestablish and defend the will and welfare of the people in the Constitution of 1793. 14. All powers emanating from the so-called Constitution of 1795 are illegal and counterrevolutionary. 15. Those who have raised their hands against the Constitution of 1793 are guilty of common high treason. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Hall Stewart, A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution (New York: Macmillan, 1951), 656–57. Description An account of the resource Despite the radical nature of such measures taken by the National Assembly as the abolition of nobility and the civil constitution of the clergy, social conflicts continued to manifest themselves after the National Assembly completed its work in 1791. Peasants continued to believe they were not getting all that was due them from urban merchants who bought their grain, while city dwellers continued to attribute the high cost of bread to large landowners hoarding grain in the countryside. Here Babeuf articulates a desire to overturn inequality by establishing an economic equality far beyond the legal equalities established earlier. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 459 Title A name given to the resource Doctrine of Babeuf Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/459/ Popular Politics Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Citizen commissioners, the approaching elections impose important tasks upon you, and I am going to speak to you about them. The Republic majestically arose amid the rubble of the throne. All types of tyranny have been replaced by the Constitution of the Year III [1795], and the just empire of laws has replaced the unrest and upheaval of the Revolution. The European powers joined together in a futile effort to return us to slavery. Their combined efforts shattered against the bravery of our invincible armies. The deployment of all their means, of all their forces, only succeeded in underscoring the brilliance of our victories, which ensured our borders, demonstrated for our neighbors where the secret of their independence lies, and everywhere lighted the sacred flame of patriotism. It is no longer by the force of arms that our enemies hope to defeat us. Their indecision has made this evident. Why do they hesitate before attacking us directly? Do not doubt it, they expect the crisis to come from the elections. They have already followed the same plan for two years in a row. The royalist movement took the elections of the Year V in several departments, and anarchy took hold during the elections held last year. The Republic was saved from the horrible rifts that should have resulted from the choices made under such dire auspices as these, by the laws of 19 Fructidor of the Year V [5 September 1797], 12 Pluviôse and 22 Floréal of the Year VI [31 January and 11 May 1798], and the surveillance and activities of the government. But our enemies have not given up joining together and planning their Machiavellian strategies. They are busy on every front, taking on any shape in order to gain control of the elections of the Year VII, and once again are corrupting the source of public power. The maneuvers that they are resorting to are not limited to one department or another. Their movements are not isolated, partial, or interrupted. They have a central field of action that encompasses the entire Republic. Will the mass of good citizens let itself be shackled by this demeaning chain of intrigue and plots? Will they applaud the voices of those who call again for a throne or the scaffolds? And the terrible lesson of past ills, will it not be sufficient to warn them to the two reefs between which we must sail in order to arrive at the port where peace and quiet and happiness await them? It is up to you Citizens, you who are the guardians of the Government, to demonstrate the misfortunes to which they are exposing themselves should they allow themselves to be influenced by factions. Never stop telling them of the sacred clause in our basic laws, the clause that reminds them that it is the soundness of choice in the primary and electoral assemblies upon which the duration, preservation, and prosperity of the Republic primarily depends. . . . After [the coup of] 18 Fructidor [4 September 1797], a large number of weak minds, ever quick to change direction, allowed themselves to be fooled by the hypocritical joy that some skillful anarchists feign when taking credit for the useful fruit of victory, without ever having taken part in the fighting. These weak minds believed that this memorable day foretold of the return, not of the rule of law, but of the reign of terror. Six months of experience would disillusion them. They should have been convinced that their fears and their childishness were baseless. But in spite of the notices, the proclamations, the hurried and repeated invitations of the Executive Directory, this mob, lacking foresight and inconsistent in their fears, did not come out in number during the last election. They did not appear in the primary assemblies due to their apprehension of meeting anarchists there and of seeing themselves being taken over by them. Consequently, still more insane than pusillanimous, they were afraid of the anarchists, and they did absolutely everything that they needed to in order to facilitate their success. Republicans! The time has come. Stop betraying yourselves and allowing your shameful and ridiculous fears to cede an easy victory to the villains. If from 18 Fructidor, every good person had appreciated what had been done for them, if they had closed ranks around the Directory, if they had sought out the civil service, if they had competed to assume those tasks, then no subversive anarchist would have obtained those positions and all of the inroads open to the plotters would have been closed. Citizens, it is time to repair that weakness. . . . No more anarchy in France! This cry must be so unanimous and so strong that it strikes fear in our enemies. It is their turn to have their blood run cold and to be forever frozen in fear. . . . Citizens, what must be done to forever defeat this pair of thousand-headed hydras of odious royalism and vile terrorism? Here, in two words, is the answer: Every suggestion that is motivated by revenge, revolt, or blood must be met with the unanimous cry: "No more anarchy in France!" In this way, by the mere influence of law and the mere credibility of virtue, you will reduce this crime to impotence and silence. Oh Citizens! The Republic and your Government are based on that sacred charter [the Constitution of the Year III]. These are no doubt the only means of salvation for us all. Therefore embrace the Republic and uphold its constitutional laws. Therefore, finally, help your Government with all your willpower. Therefore, and you can be sure of this, the first of Prairial (for which your enemies were waiting for as a day of division, crisis and misery), the first of Prairial will come as a period of rest and peace, and this day will herald the affirmation of republican law. Sortable Date 1799-03-04 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Nicolas-Louis François de Neufchâteau, "Circulaire du ministre de l'Intérieur aux Commissaires du Directoire exécutif près des Administrations centrales de Département," 14 Ventôse, Year VII [4 March 1799], Archives Nationales de la France F1A 58. Description An account of the resource A former playwright and old regime colonial official, Nicolas–Louis François de Neufchâteau, twice Minister of the Interior under the Directory, here outlines the importance of elections for the Directory. In this circular letter sent to the chief agent of the central government in each department, he highlights the threat that a negative outcome could have for the existence of the Republic and exhorts local officials to be more zealous. Despite such sentiments, the Directory overturned electoral results three years in a row, heightening disaffection and apathy. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 460 Title A name given to the resource Circular on Elections Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/460/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 4, 1799 Provinces Public Opinion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 10 November, 1799 (19 Brumaire, Year VIII) On my return to Paris, I found division among all the authorities, and agreement upon only one point: that the Constitution was half destroyed and could not save liberty. All parties came to me, confided to me their plans, disclosed their secrets, and asked for my support. I refused to be one party's man. The Council of Elders summoned me, and I went. An outline for general restoration had been planned by the men who the nation has become accustomed to regarding as the defenders of liberty, equality, and property. This plan needed to be looked at calmly, freely and away from any influences or fears. Consequently, the Council of Elders decided to transfer the Legislative Body to Saint-Cloud, and gave me control over the forces necessary to ensure its independence. I believed it my duty to accept the command, for my fellow citizens, for the soldiers being killed in our armies, and for the national glory acquired at the cost of their blood. The Councils assembled at Saint-Cloud. Republican troops guaranteed their security from without, but assassins created terror from within. Several deputies of the Council of Five-Hundred, armed with stilettos and firearms, made death threats to those around them. The plan which was to have been further developed, was put aside. The majority fell into disorganization, the boldest orators became disconcerted, and the futility of every wise proposition was obvious. I took my pain and indignation to the Council of Elders. I asked them to ensure the execution of their generous outline. I showed them the ills of the homeland . . . they agreed with me and demonstrated anew their steadfast will. I appeared before the Council of Five-Hundred just as I had before the Elders; alone, unarmed, my head uncovered, and was applauded. I had come to remind the majority of its will, and to assure them of their power. The stilettos that had threatened the deputies were instantly raised against their liberator. Twenty assassins rushed at me, aiming at my breast. The guards of the Legislative Body whom I had left at the door of the hall ran forward and placed themselves between the assassins and me. One of these brave guards had his clothes pierced by a stiletto. They escorted me to safety. At the same moment, cries of "outlaw" were raised against me, the defender of the law. It was the fierce cry of assassins against the power that was destined to suppress them. They crowded around the president, uttering threats and bearing arms, and commanded him to outlaw me. I was informed of this and ordered him to be rescued from their fury. Six guards of the Legislative Body grabbed hold of him. Immediately afterwards, guards of the Legislative Body charged into the hall and cleared it. The factions, intimidated, broke up and left. The majority, freed from their attacks, returned peaceably and upon their own will into the meeting hall, listened to the proposals on behalf of public safety, deliberated, and drafted the salutary resolution which is to become the new and provisional law of the Republic. Frenchmen, you will no doubt recognize this behavior as that of a zealous soldier of Liberty, a citizen devoted to the Republic. The rights of conservative, tutelary, and liberal ideas have been restored through the dispersal of the dissidents who oppressed the Councils. Sortable Date 1799-11-10 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Hall Stewart, A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution (New York: Macmillan, 1951), 763–65. (Slightly retranslated) Description An account of the resource Having seized power through the coup of 18 Brumaire [9 November 1799], Bonaparte—now First Consul—set out to win public support for yet another new government. His first public pronouncement was the proclamation reprinted below, in which he claims he had acted to defend liberty and the republic against internal enemies. The proclamation, accompanied by similar proclamations from all the new ministers of the government, elaborated Napoleon’s vaguer but more oft–cited statement to his fellow citizens that "reduced to the principles on which it had been started, the French Revolution is over!" Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 461 Title A name given to the resource Brumaire: Bonaparte’s Justification Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/461/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 10, 1799 Napoleon Bonaparte Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 10 November 1799To the French PeopleFrenchmen! Once more the Republic has just escaped the violence of rebels, and your faithful representatives have shattered the dagger in those parricidal hands; but, after having averted the attacks with which you were immediately threatened, they felt that such eternal agitations ought finally to be prevented forever; and, acting only on their duty and their courage, they dare to say that they have shown themselves worthy of you. Frenchmen, your liberty, completely rent asunder and still bleeding from the attacks of the revolutionary government, has just sought refuge in the arms of a constitution which promises it at least some repose. The need of such repose was generally felt at the time: a profound terror of the crises which you barely escaped remained in every mind; your military glory could efface the most colossal memories of the past. With astonishment and admiration, the peoples of Europe trembled at your glory, and secretly blessed the aim of your exploits; finally, your enemies asked for peace; everything, in a word, seemed to unite to assure you finally of the peaceful enjoyment of liberty and happiness; happiness, and liberty which alone can guarantee it, seemed finally ready to reward so many generous efforts in a fitting manner. But seditious men ceaselessly attacked with audacity the weak parts of your constitution; they skillfully seized upon those parts which might provoke new disorders; the constitutional regime was soon only a succession of revolutions in every sense, in which the different parties successively gained power; even those who most sincerely desired the maintenance of that constitution were forced to violate it constantly in order to preserve it. From such a state of instability in legislation; and the most sacred rights of social man have been exposed to all the caprices of factions and events. It is time to put an end to these disorders; it is time to give substantial guarantees to the liberty of citizens to the sovereignty of the people, to the independence of the constitutional powers, and, finally, to the Republic, whose name has served only too often to sanction the violation of all principles. It is time that this great nation had a government worthy of it, a firm and wise government, which could give you a prompt and enduring peace, and enable you to enjoy real happiness. Frenchmen, such are the views which have dictated the vigorous decisions of the Legislative Body. In order to arrive more promptly at a definitive and complete reorganization of public institutions, a provisional government has been established. It is invested with power sufficient to have the laws respected, to protect peaceful citizens, and to suppress all conspirators and malevolent persons. Royalism shall not raise its head again; the hideous traces of the revolutionary government are erased; the Republic and liberty will cease to be vain names; a new era is about to begin. Frenchmen, rally round your magistrates; the zeal of those who have dared conceive such fine and lofty hopes for you will never slacken; all success now depends upon your confidence, your unity, your wisdom. Soldiers of liberty, you will close your ears to every perfidious insinuation; you will pursue the course of your victories; you will achieve the conquest of peace in order soon to return to the midst of your brothers to enjoy all the benefits which you have assured them, and to receive from public recognition the honors and rewards which have been reserved for your glorious work. Long live the Republic! Sortable Date 1799-11-10 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Hall Stewart, A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution (New York: Macmillan, 1951), 765–67. Description An account of the resource The Council of Five–Hundred, the lower house of the legislature under the Directory’s constitution, put up only token resistance to the coup of 18 Brumaire [9 November 1799]. By the following day, this body—in principle, made up of the representatives of the French people and the central institution of republican government—had concurred completely in Bonaparte’s revision to the constitution and issued this proclamation, which described the coup to be a victory for "the Republic and liberty" against royalism. Yet again, a regime had come to power claiming to be initiating a "new era" for "the peoples of Europe." Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 462 Title A name given to the resource The Council of Five–Hundred Concurs Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/462/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 10, 1799 Napoleon Bonaparte Text