26 10 347 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Citizens, the dangers you are facing are only too certain: nearly 300,000 men are ready to lay siege to your frontiers; you lack gunpowder, arms, and, above all, unity! Your ministers are being forced from office, but what does that matter if they are only replaced by others equally corrupt? What does that matter when the specter of war threatens to burn all your cities and if the land is burned out from under your feet by monsters who have sworn to defeat you, to take at one stroke your fortunes, your hopes, your constitution, and your liberty! The sections, I know, call not only for the ministers to be sacked but that they be judged as criminals for treason! This is being done, but the sections must not limit themselves just to this. They must also become concerned with our external affairs and with interior affairs relative to the capital. Have no doubt, it is Paris, capital of the Revolution, brilliant theater of liberty, that the innumerable armies of all the despots of Europe will burn. The sections must therefore reform the National Guard, pulverize the existing officer corps, and submit all commissioned and noncommissioned officers to new elections, thereby relighting the patriotic torch which all your hearts embraced the day the Bastille fell. . . . Look how provincial patriots, tired of having the National Assembly ignore their pleas for arms . . . resolved to take matters into their own hands. The government of the Department of the Bouches-du-Rhône and nearby districts have summoned the heads of the aristocratic horde to declare what they propose to do with the large number of foreigners and fanatical enemies of the Revolution they have enrolled, with the large number of arms they have amassed and . . . above all, to end their preparations for civil war. Not satisfied with the response they received, they decided to go farther and to begin to undo the counterrevolution which has formed in the south of France. The 15th of this month, every active citizen of the city of Cavaillon . . . threw off the yoke of their tyrants [the papal enclave around Avignon]. . . . As we are finishing writing this article, we learn that the siege of Carpentras has begun and that the Avignonnais patriots have sworn to destroy the local aristocracy and to take control by themselves of the enormous amount of munitions stored there. . . . The generals, the officers of the army are showing themselves to be inflexible; the uprisings of what they call la canaille [the rabble] do not interest their great Spirit. Sortable Date 1790-11-28 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived L'Orateur du peuple, vol. 3, no. 13 (28 November 1790), 97–104. Description An account of the resource One of the targets of the left was the officer corps. Recruited from the aristocracy, the military leadership was, of course, suspect. When early battles went poorly, suspicion, justifiable or not, only mounted. Such circumstances led to even more emigration by officers, generating an upward spiral of mutual hostility. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 496 Title A name given to the resource Ex–Nobles Targeted in the Press—Military Nobility Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/496/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 28, 1790 Nobility Public Opinion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document The 17th Prairial (5 June 1796) Bonaparte arrived at Brescia . . . I found myself in his presence a few moments after he had alighted. I was strangely surprised at his appearance. Nothing could be farther from the picture which I had formed of him. I saw, in the midst of a numerous staff, a man below the medium height and extremely thin. His powdered hair, which was cut in a peculiar, square fashion below the ears, fell down to his shoulders. he had on a straight coat, closely buttoned up, decorated with a very narrow gold embroidery, and wore a tri-colored plume in his hat. At first glance the face did not seem to me a fine one, but the striking features, a quick and searching eye, and abrupt, animated gestures, proclaimed an ardent soul, while the broad, serious forehead showed a deep thinker. He had me sit down by him and we talked about Italy. Hs speech was quick and at this time very incorrect. On the 13th of Prairial (June 1st), I found Bonaparte at the magnificent residence of Montebello, in the midst of a brilliant court rather than the headquarters of an army. Severe etiquette was already maintained in his presence. His aides-de-camp and officers were no longer received at his table and he exercised great care in the choice of those whom he did admit, so that to sit down with him was considered a rare honor, to be obtained only with difficulty. He dined so to speak in public, and during the meal the inhabitants of the country were admitted to the dining room and allowed to feast their eyes upon him. He showed himself, however, in no way embarrassed or confused by this exhibition of esteem, and received them as if he had always been accustomed to such tributes. His salons and a great canopy which he had had raised in front of the palace toward the gardens, were constantly filled with a throng of generals, officials, and purveyors, as well as the highest nobility and the most distinguished men of Italy who came to solicit the favor of a glance or a moment's conversation. . . . Bonaparte took us for a walk in the extensive gardens of his beautiful residence. The promenade lasted toward two hours, during which the general talked almost continuously. . . . “What I have done so far is nothing,” he said to us; “I am but at the opening of the career I am to run. Do you suppose that I have gained my victories in Italy in order to advance the lawyers of the Directory, the Carnots and the Barras? Do you think, either, that my object is to establish a Republic? What a notion! A Republic of thirty million people, with our morals and vices! How could that ever be? It is a chimera with which the French are infatuated but which will pass away in time like all the others. What they want is glory and the gratification of their vanity; as for liberty, of that they have no conception. Look at the army! The victories which we have just gained have given the French soldier his true character. I am everything to him. Let the Directory attempt to deprive me of my command and they will see who is master. The nation must have a head, a head rendered illustrious by glory and not by theories of government, fine phrases, or the talk of idealists, of which the French understand not a whit. Let them have their toys and they will be satisfied. They will amuse themselves and allow themselves to be led, provided the goal is cleverly disguised.” Sortable Date 1796-06-05 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived James H. Robinson, ed., Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History, vol II, no. 2: The Napoleonic Period (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1902), pp. 1-3. Description An account of the resource In his memoirs, André François Miot de Melito, a special minister from the French government to Piedmont, tells of his first impressions of the young Napoleon Bonaparte, who was only twenty-seven but already an important general because of his victories in the Italian campaign. Bonaparte held court in Italy like a ruler. According to Miot, Bonaparte had already formed a plan to take absolute power for himself. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 501 Title A name given to the resource Napoleon as an Ambitious Young General in 1796–97 Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/501/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 5, 1796 Napoleon Bonaparte Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document On my return to Paris [from Egypt] I found division among all authorities, and agreement upon only one point, namely, that the Constitution was half destroyed and was unable to save liberty. All parties came to me, confided to me their designs, disclosed their secrets, and requested my support; I refused to be the man of a party. The Council of Elders summoned me; I answered its appeal. A plan of general restoration had been devised by men whom the nation has been accustomed to regard as the defenders of liberty, equality, and property; this plan required an examination, calm, free, exempt from all influence and all fear. Accordingly, the Council of Elders resolved upon the removal of the legislative Body to Saint-Cloud; it gave me the responsibility of disposing the force necessary for its independence. I believe it my duty to my fellow citizens, to the soldiers perishing in our armies, to the national glory acquired at the cost of their blood, to accept the command. The Councils assembled at Saint-Cloud; republican troops guaranteed their security from without, but assassins created terror within. Several deputies of the Council of Five Hundred, armed with stilettos and firearms, circulated threats of death around them. The plans which ought to have been developed were withheld, the majority disorganized, the boldest orators disconcerted, and the futility of every wise proposition was evident. I took my indignation and grief to the Council of Elders. I besought it to assure the execution of its generous designs; I directed its attention to the evils of the Patrie [Fatherland] . . . ; it concurred with me by new evidence of its steadfast will. I presented myself at the Council of Five Hundred, alone, unarmed, my head uncovered, just as the Elders had received and applauded me; I came to remind the majority of its wishes, and to assure it of its power. The stilettos which menaced the deputies were instantly raised against their liberator; twenty assassins threw themselves upon me and aimed at my breast. The grenadiers of the Legislative Body whom I had left at the door of the hall ran forward, placed themselves between the assassins and myself. One of these brave grenadiers had his clothes pierced by a stiletto. They bore me out. At the same moment cries of “Outlaw” were raised against the defender of the law. It was the fierce cry of assassins against the power destined to repress them. They crowded around the president, uttering threats, arms in their hands they commanded him to outlaw me; I was informed of this: I ordered him to be rescued from their fury, and six grenadiers of the Legislative Body secured him. Immediately afterwards some grenadiers of the legislative body charged into the hall and cleared it. The factions, intimidated, dispersed and fled. The majority, freed from their attacks, returned freely and peaceably into the meeting hall, listened to the proposals on behalf of public safety, deliberated, and prepared the salutary resolution which is to become the new and provisional law of the Republic. Frenchmen, you will doubtless recognize in this conduct the zeal of a soldier of liberty, a citizen devoted to the Republic. Conservative, tutelary, and liberal ideas have been restored to their rights through the dispersal of the rebels who oppressed the Councils. Sortable Date 1799-11-10 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Hall Stewart, ed., A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution (New York: Macmillan, 1951), pp. 763-765. Description An account of the resource Napoleon glosses over the conspiracy to overthrow the Constitution of 1795 and the duly elected legislature. This conspiracy was organized in part by his younger brother Lucien. He does, however, admit that some of the deputies opposed his endeavor and tried to arrest him. At this moment, Napoleon portrays himself as a simple “soldier of liberty, a citizen devoted to the Republic.” Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 502 Title A name given to the resource Napoleon’s Own Account of His Coup d’Etat (10 November 1799) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/502/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 10, 1799 Napoleon Bonaparte Public Opinion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Sortable Date 1800-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Martyn Lyons, Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution (London, Macmillan, 1994), p. 70. Description An account of the resource Naming his brother Lucien to the key post of minister of the interior, Bonaparte quickly moved to establish his political control over the country. He set up “prefects” for every administrative region known as a department; these appointees had final say in such important matters as finances, politics, and the conscription of troops. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 503 Title A name given to the resource Establishing a New Administrative Order (1800–1801) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/503/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1800 Napoleon Bonaparte Provinces Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document The government of the French Republic recognizes that the Roman, catholic and apostolic religion is the religion of the great majority of French citizens. His Holiness likewise recognizes that this same religion has derived and in this moment again expects the greatest benefit and grandeur from the establishment of catholic worship in France and from the personal profession of it which the Consuls of the Republic make. In consequence, after this mutual recognition, as well for the benefit of religion as for the maintenance of internal tranquility, they have agreed as follows: 1. The catholic, apostolic and Roman religion shall be freely exercised in France: its worship shall be public, and in conformity with the police regulations which the government shall deem necessary for the public tranquility. . . . 4. The First Consul of the Republic shall make appointments, within the three months which shall follow the publication of the bull of His Holiness to the archbishoprics and bishoprics of the new circumscription. His Holiness shall confer the canonical institution, following the forms established in relation to France before the change of government. . . . 6. Before entering upon their functions, the bishops shall take directly, at the hands of the First Consul, the oath of fidelity which was in use before the change of government, expressed in the following terms: “I swear and promise to God, upon the holy scriptures, to remain in obedience and fidelity to the government established by the constitution of the French Republic. I also promise not to have any intercourse, nor to assist by any council, nor to support any league, either within or without, which is inimical to the public tranquility; and if, within my diocese or elsewhere, I learn that anything to the prejudice of the state is being contrived, I will make it known to the government.” Sortable Date 1801-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Frank M. Anderson, ed., The Constitutions and Other Illustrative Documents of the History of France, 2nd ed., revised (New York: Russell and Russell, 1908), pp. 296-297. Description An account of the resource One of Napoleon’s first priorities was to reestablish good relations with the papacy, which had fought the revolutionary church settlement tooth and nail. Napoleon gained everything he desired in the Concordat: he appointed the bishops and archbishops of the French church, and all bishops had to swear an oath of fidelity to the French Republic. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 504 Title A name given to the resource Making Peace with the Catholic Church, 1801–2 Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/504/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1801 Laws Napoleon Bonaparte Religion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Napoleon was not irreligious in the ordinary sense of the word. He would not admit that there had ever existed a genuine atheist; he condemned Deism as the result of rash speculation. A Christian and a Catholic, he recognized in religion alone the right to govern human societies. He looked on Christianity as the basis of all real civilization; and considered Catholicism as the form of worship most favorable to the maintenance of order and the true tranquility of the moral world; Protestantism as a source of trouble and disagreements. Personally indifferent to religious practices, he respected them too much to permit the slightest ridicule of those who followed them. It is possible that religion was, with him, more the result of an enlightened policy than an affair of sentiment; but whatever might have been the secret of his heart, he took care never to betray it. His opinions of men were concentrated in one idea which, unhappily for him, had in his mind gained the force of an axiom. He was persuaded that no man, called to appear in public life, or even only engaged in the active pursuits of life, was guided or could be guided by an other motive than that of interest. He did not deny the existence of virtue and honor; but he maintained that neither of these sentiments had ever been the chief guide of any but those whom he called dreamers, and to whom, by this title, he, in his own mind, denied the existence of the requisite faculty for taking a successful part in the affairs of society. . . . Whilst in his conceptions all was clear and precise, in what required action he knew neither difficulty nor uncertainty. Ordinary rules did not embarrass him at all. In practice, as in discussion, he went straight to the end in view without being delayed by considerations which he treated as secondary, and of which he perhaps too often disdained the importance. The most direct line to the object he desired to reach was that which he chose by preference, and which he followed to the end, while nothing could entice him to deviate from it; but then, being no slave to his plans, he knew how to give them up or modify them the moment that his point of view changed, or new combinations gave him the means of attaining it more effectually by a different path. . . . Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Clemens Lothar Wenzel, FŸrst von Metternich-Winneburg, Memoirs of Prince Metternich, 1773-1815, ed. Prince Richard Metternich, tr. Mrs. Alexander Napier, 5 vols. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1880-1882), I: pp. 272-273. Description An account of the resource Klemens von Metternich, head of the Austrian government and therefore a sharp critic of Napoleon, reported that Napoleon viewed Catholicism in largely utilitarian, even cynical terms. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 505 Title A name given to the resource Napoleon’s Personal Feelings about Religion Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/505/ Napoleon Bonaparte Religion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Sortable Date 1803-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Martyn Lyons, Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution (London, Macmillan, 1994), p. 90. Description An account of the resource Despite the official settlement with the papacy, some priests refused to bury those who had supported the pro–revolutionary wing of the church in the 1790s and others preached royalism from the pulpit. These excerpts come from a report made to the Minister of Police in 1803. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 506 Title A name given to the resource Religious Conflicts after the Concordat (1803) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/506/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1803 Napoleon Bonaparte Public Opinion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document “I swear to maintain the constitution, to respect liberty of conscience, to oppose a return to feudal institutions, never to make war except for the defense and glory of the Republic, and to employ the authority with which I shall be invested only for the good of the people, from whom and for whom I shall have received it.” Sortable Date 1802-08-04 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Frank M. Anderson, ed., The Constitutions and Other Illustrative Documents of the History of France, 2nd ed., revised (New York: Russell and Russell, 1908), p. 331. Description An account of the resource The oath that Bonaparte took on becoming consul for life gives a good idea of the image that he tried to project: protector of the gains of the Revolution and insurer of order. In retrospect, his claims about not wishing to make war ring hollow. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 507 Title A name given to the resource Oath as Consul for Life (4 August 1802) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/507/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource August 4, 1802 Napoleon Bonaparte Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document The internal situation of France is today as calm as it has ever been in the most peaceful periods. There is no agitation to disturb the public tranquility, no suggestion of those crimes which recall the Revolution. Everywhere useful enterprises are in progress, and the general improvements, both public and private, attest the universal confidence and sense of security. . . A plot conceived by an implacable government was about to replunge France into the abyss of civil war and anarchy. The discovery of this horrible crime stirred all France profoundly, and anxieties that had scarcely been calmed again awoke. Experience has taught that a divided power in the state is impotent and at odds with itself. It was generally felt that if power was delegated for short periods only, it was so uncertain as to discourage any prolonged undertakings or wide-reaching plans. If vested in an individual for life, it would lapse with him, and after him would prove a source of anarchy and discord. It was clearly seen that for a great nation the only salvation lies in hereditary power, which can alone assure a continuous political life which may endure for generations, even for centuries.The Senate, as was proper, served as the organ through which this general apprehension found expression. The necessity of hereditary power in a state as vast as France had long been perceived by the First Consul. He had endeavored in vain to avoid this conclusion; but the public solicitude and the hopes of our enemies emphasized the importance of his task, and he realized that his death might ruin his whole work. Under such circumstances, and with such a pressure of public opinion, there was no alternative left to the First Consul. He resolved, therefore, to accept for himself, and two of his brothers after him, the burden imposed by the exigencies of the situation. After prolonged consideration, repeated conferences with the members of the Senate, discussion in the councils, and the suggestions of the most prudent advisers, a series of provisions was drawn up which regulate the succession to the imperial throne. These provisions were decreed by a senatus-consultus of the 28 Floréal last. The French people, by a free and independent expression, then manifested its desire that the imperial dignity should pass down in a direct line through the legitimate or adopted descendants of Napoleon Bonaparte, or through the legitimate descendants of Joseph Bonaparte, or of Louis Bonaparte. From this moment Napoleon was, by the most unquestioned of titles, Emperor of the French. No other act was necessary to sanction his right and consecrate his authority. But he wished to restore in France the ancient forms and recall those institutions which divinity itself seems to have inspired. He wished to impress the seal of religion itself upon the opening of his reign. The head of the Church, in order to give the French a striking proof of his paternal affection, consented to officiate at this august ceremony. What deep and enduring impressions did this leave on the mind of Napoleon and in the memory of the nation! What thoughts for future races! What a subject of wonder for all Europe! In the midst of this pomp, and under the eye of the Eternal, Napoleon pronounced the inviolable oath which assures the integrity of the empire, the security of property, the perpetuity of institutions, the respect for law, and the happiness of the nation. The oath of Napoleon shall be forever the terror [of] the enemies of France. If our borders are attacked, it will be repeated at the head of our armies, and our frontiers shall never more fear foreign invasion. Sortable Date 1804-12-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived James H. Robinson and Charles A. Beard, eds., Readings in Modern European History, vol. 1 (Boston: Ginn and Company, 1908), pp. 334-336. Description An account of the resource When he made himself emperor, Napoleon clearly rejected the republican form of government. Here he tries to claim that hereditary government is necessary in a large state. The presence of the pope at his coronation seemed to confer legitimacy on the act. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 508 Title A name given to the resource Napoleon’s Reasons for Making Himself Emperor (December 1804) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/508/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1804 Monarchy Napoleon Bonaparte Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Of the Rights and Respective Duties of Husband and Wife:Husband and wife mutually owe to each other fidelity, succor, and assistance.The husband owes protection to his wife, the wife obedience to her husband.The wife is obliged to live with her husband, and to follow him wherever he may think proper to dwell: the husband is bound to receive her, and to furnish her with everything necessary for the purposes of life, according to his means and condition.The wife can do no act in law without the authority of the husband, even where she shall be a public trader, or not in community, or separate in property.Of Causes of Divorce:The husband may demand divorce for cause of adultery on the part of his wife.The wife may demand divorce for cause of adultery on the part of her husband, where he shall have kept his concubine in their common house.Of the Provisional Measures to Which the Demand of Divorce for Cause Defined May Give Cause:The provisional administration of the children shall remain with the husband plaintiff or defendant in divorce, unless it shall be otherwise ordered by the tribunal, at the request either of the mother, or of the family, or of the imperial proctor, for the greater benefit of the children. Sortable Date 1804-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Bryant Barrett, trans., The Code Napoleon, verbally translated from the French, 2 vols. (London: W. Reed, 1811), I: 47, 49, 57; II: p. 358. Description An account of the resource Napoleon brought to completion a project dear to the hearts of the revolutionaries, the drafting of new law codes. The civil code was the most important of them because it institutionalized equality under the law (at least for adult men), guaranteed the abolition of feudalism, and, not least, gave the nation one single code of law replacing the hundreds in effect in 1789. As the following excerpts show, however, it also codified the subservience of women in marriage and of workers in their places of employment. Divorce was still allowed (it had been established in 1792), but under conditions that were very unfavorable to wives. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 509 Title A name given to the resource The French Civil Code (1804) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/509/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1804 Enlightenment Laws Napoleon Bonaparte Text