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              <text>&lt;p&gt;BORN 15 AUG. 1769 &lt;br /&gt;DIED 5 MAY 1821. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; He put his foot on the neck of Kings, who would have put their yokes upon the necks of the People: he scattered before him with fiery execution, millions of hired slaves, who came at the bidding of their Masters to deny the right of others to be free. The monument of greatness and of Glory he erected, was raised on ground forfeited again and again to humanity—it reared its majestic front on the ruins of the shattered hopes and broken faith of the common enemies of mankind. . . . &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>J. Ashton, English Caricature and Satire on napoleon the First, 2 vols. (London, 1884): II: 265.</text>
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                <text>Some in the popular classes saw in Napoleon an opponent of monarchs.</text>
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                <text>A Popular English Broadside (1821)</text>
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                <text>Martyn Lyons, Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution (London, Macmillan, 1994), pp. 153-154.</text>
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                <text>The poet and politician Alphonse de Lamartine wrote in his memoirs about the inspirational effects of popular prints of Napoleonic battles.</text>
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                <text>Memoirs of the Poet Alphonse de Lamartine</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;TO THE COLUMN. &lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Two stanzas. &lt;br /&gt; Alas! alas! keep thy lone tomb, &lt;br /&gt; And keep thy barren sea-splashed rock, &lt;br /&gt; Where thou didst dash three like a bomb, &lt;br /&gt; To fall with fiery smoking shock! &lt;br /&gt; Thy rugged St. Helena keep, &lt;br /&gt; Where, of thy fortune's proudest steep, &lt;br /&gt; The dazed eye sees the sad reverse; &lt;br /&gt; Keep the still shade thy grave receives, &lt;br /&gt; Beneath thy willow tree, whose leaves, &lt;br /&gt; Are scattered through the universe. &lt;br /&gt; There, free from outrage, dost thou sleep, &lt;br /&gt; And, oft aroused, thou near dost feel &lt;br /&gt; Those who from rage and sorrow weep— &lt;br /&gt; The red-clad soldiers o'er thee kneel. &lt;br /&gt; There thou, if e'er thou earth reseek, &lt;br /&gt; Shalt see from some commanding peak, &lt;br /&gt; Upon the world of waters pale, &lt;br /&gt; Bound for the rocky sea-girt hearth, &lt;br /&gt; As the true center of the earth, &lt;br /&gt; Ships of each clime, and realm, and sail. &lt;br /&gt; 9 October 1830. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Henry Carrington, Translations from the Poems of Victor Hugo (London: Walter Scott, 1885), pp. 85-86.</text>
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                <text>In his poem “To the Column,” the great French poet Victor Hugo celebrates the memory of Napoleon.</text>
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                <text>A Poem by Victor Hugo (1830)</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The nonjuring priests have sown division within almost all of the cantons of our department. Armed with the flame they took from the altar, they want to scorch the earth. The fatherly house is no longer the school of virtues. The father has taken up arms against the son, and respect and filial piety have disappeared. The mother is fleeing the temples . . . friendship seems to have abandoned the earth, which, in turn, wants to devour its inhabitants. Such are the problems that the priests have created. They penetrate every house, upset people's consciences, and seduce the weak. A few months ago, the bishop representing the eastern cities sent an administrator to be the parish priest of Grand-Sancey, in the district of Beaune [in Burgundy], where the local priest had not taken the oath. The administrator went to his post and then visited the county's public prosecutor to take the necessary steps in order to proceed with his installation. But the priest he was to replace soon learned about it. . . . All of a sudden, a deafening noise echoed throughout the parish that the inhabitants were going to lose their priest, and that he was to be replaced by a heretic. At the same moment, men, women, old folks, all hurried to the home of the public prosecutor and haughtily demanded, "Where is this heretical priest who comes to chase away our priest?" The administrator, named Vernier, tried in vain to escape. He was grabbed by the frenzied crowd and dragged from his house. They took him to the river to push him in. By some sort of miracle, he managed to escape, but not until he had endured a rain of insults and had to make a million promises.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In Besançon itself, where they [refractory priests] are watched, they say that "a new Saint Bartholomew's day massacre is needed to bring back the old religion and reestablish peace in the city.". . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Fanaticism has spread throughout the department. Everywhere, the nonjurers have organized. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In the region of Pontarlier, made up of over seventy small towns, there are not ten constitutional priests. And, for lack of substitutes, the rest have not been replaced. Twelve nonjuring priests remain in Montliver, a large town in the same region, and keep themselves busy by tormenting those who had the courage to take charge of the parish . . . [other examples follow.]&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;And Louis XVI grants the protection of his veto to these brigands!&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>P. Robinet, &lt;i&gt;Le Mouvement religieux à Paris pendant la Révolution&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 2 (Paris: 1896&lt;i&gt;&lt;/i&gt;–1898), 141–&lt;i&gt;43. &lt;i&gt;&lt;/i&gt;Translated by &lt;i&gt;Exploring the French Revolution &lt;/i&gt;project staff from original documents in French found in J.M. Roberts, &lt;i&gt;French Revolution Documents&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 1 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1966), 387–88.&lt;/i&gt;</text>
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                <text>A Jacobin club in Besançon in the Franche–Comté on the eastern borders of France sent this report to the Jacobin Club of Paris on 8 January 1792. The club sees the continuing presence of those who did not take the clerical oath to the new regime ["nonjurors"] as a destabilizing factor and is concerned that their agitation will turn to open resistance. This worry would become more and more widespread in 1793, particularly in the west, but the roots of the problem can be seen here.</text>
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                <text>Report by the Jacobin Society of Besançon on Refractory Priests</text>
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                <text>January 8, 1792</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Sir, I seek to enlighten you about a threat that you would have regretted not having foreseen. Blood is about to flow, everything is ready, and if the ministry waits any longer, it will not be a few regiments that you will have to send this way, but an army. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Arles is in a complete state of counterrevolution. The city is dug in. They have seized some cannons and rifles that the ministry left for them. Patriots are treated cruelly, and already seven to eight hundred of them have left. They have a rally button there that the men are wearing on their lapels, and the women are wearing as rings. I just saw an example of one. The more foolhardy among them are wearing a white cockade, but the mayor said that it was not yet time to wear it. They have chased away those priests who took the oath and reinstalled those who had refused. The patriots dare not either complain or write to their friends, lest they be hung. They are recruiting people from the surrounding areas and have sent emissaries to Jallès, where they were told that money would not be a problem. They are equipped with boats so that they can have access to the sea, but we should not spring into action unless war is declared. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Additionally, Aigues-Mortes, which chased away its priest, is in a difficult mood. They refused to accept the frontier guards whose vigilance they feared, and everything points to the idea that they hoped to receive help from the sea. They also rallied partisans from the towns along the Rhône in order to make a connection between the sea and Avignon, a town that we have been rambling on too much about. . . . You will receive well-worded denials and well-acted protestations of how attached to France they are, but it is Italian powder that is blinding us, until the time comes when we explode. And if you notice, Sir, that these plans have existed and spread in the Midi for two years, and if you also notice that Spain is our most bitter enemy and that there is nothing easier for her to do than to give aid to the rebels by means of coastal boats, this matter will seem to you, I hope, worthy of your attention.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt; La Révolution française&lt;/i&gt;, 105 vols. (Paris, 1881–1934), 35:270–73. Translated by &lt;i&gt;Exploring the French Revolution &lt;/i&gt;project staff from original documents in French found in J.M. Roberts, &lt;i&gt;French Revolution Documents&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 1 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1966), 388–91.</text>
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                <text>In this document, Jean–Paul Rabaut de Saint–Étienne, a Protestant pastor from Nîmes who had been a deputy to the National Assembly and who would later be elected to the National Convention, warns the central government of the ongoing violence in the Midi and the role of refractory priests and religious issues in that violence. Throughout southern France, revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries were involved in a struggle for power within the municipalities and more broadly. Rabaut de Saint–Étienne fears what would happen to the Revolution and by implication its supporters if, with help from abroad, counterrevolutionaries should seize control of the region.</text>
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                <text>Letter from Rabaut de Saint–Étienne to the Minister of the Interior (27 February 1791)</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;3 OCTOBER. Today the King's bodyguards gave a magnificent feast in the opera house at the palace of Versailles. The guests were the officers of the Flanders regiment, the Montmorency dragoons, the Swiss guards, the Swiss regiments, the Cent Suisses regiment, and others, including a few officers of the Versailles National Guard. During the meal there were toasts to the health of the King, the Queen, the Dauphin, and all the royal family. A toast to the nation had been suggested and, according . . . to many who were present, the royal guards expressly rejected this idea.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;When the King returned from hunting he was brought to see the spectacle. . . . The Queen, holding her son by the hand, stepped forward to the entrance of the hall, which immediately rang with applause and acclaim. All the guests, drawn swords in hand, drank to the health of the august persons who honored them with their presence. The royal visitors accepted this homage and withdrew.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;From this moment, the banquet degenerated into an orgy. Everyone's mind became heated by wine. . . . Someone sounded the charge, and the opera boxes were scaled. Finally, amidst highly indecent suggestions, someone dared to insult the national tri-color cockade and toasted the white cockade which had been displayed by, amongst others, several captains of the Versailles National Guard.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The central courtyard of the palace then saw the most scandalous disorder. Royal bodyguards and officers spewed out terrible curses against the National Assembly . . . [while] peaceful citizens were bewildered by such tumult and excess. Versailles remained uneasy until the revelers were finally reduced to total inaction through fatigue and drunkenness.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Jean-Sylvain Bailly, &lt;i&gt;Mémoires d'un témoin de la révolution,&lt;/i&gt; vol. 3 (Paris: Baudoin, 1821), 1–3.</text>
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                <text>Military officers in several regiments of the royal army favored a military strike to dispel the National Assembly, but by the fall of 1789 they saw clearly that this order would not be given. Their frustration with the National Assembly’s affront to the dignity of the royal family became evident to all on 3 October, in an event recorded by Bailly, then mayor of Paris, in his memoirs.</text>
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                <text>Royalists Desecrate the Revolutionary Cockade (3 October 1789)</text>
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                <text>October 3, 1789</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;ARTICLE I. The National Assembly hereby completely abolishes the feudal system. It decrees that, among the existing rights and dues, both feudal and censuel, all those originating in or representing real or personal serfdom or personal servitude, shall be abolished without indemnification. All other dues are declared redeemable, the terms and mode of redemption to be fixed by the National Assembly. Those said dues which are not extinguished by this decree shall continue to be collected until indemnification shall take place.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;II. The exclusive right to maintain pigeon-houses and dovecotes is abolished. The pigeons shall be confined during the seasons fixed by the community. During such periods they shall be looked upon as game, and every one shall have the right to kill them upon his own land.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;III. The exclusive right to hunt and to maintain unenclosed warrens is likewise abolished, and every landowner shall have the right to kill or to have destroyed on his own land all kinds of game, observing, however, such police regulations as may be established with a view to the safety of the public.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;All hunting captainries, including the royal forests, and all hunting rights under whatever denomination, are likewise abolished. Provision shall be made, however, in a manner compatible with the regard due to property and liberty, for maintaining the personal pleasures of the King.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The president of the Assembly shall be commissioned to ask of the King the recall of those sent to the galleys or exiled, simply for violations of the hunting regulations, as well as for the release of those at present imprisoned for offenses of this kind, and the dismissal of such cases as are now pending.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;IV. All manorial courts are hereby suppressed without indemnification. But the magistrates of these courts shall continue to perform their functions until such time as the National Assembly shall provide for the establishment of a new judicial system.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;V. Tithes of every description, as well as the dues which have been substituted for them, under whatever denomination they are known or collected (even when compounded for), possessed by secular or regular congregations, by holders of benefices, members of corporations (including the Order of Malta and other religious and military orders), as well as those devoted to the maintenance of churches, those impropriated to lay persons, and those substituted for the &lt;i&gt;portion congrue&lt;/i&gt;, are abolished, on condition, however, that some other method be devised to provide for the expenses of divine worship, the support of the officiating clergy, for the assistance of the poor, for repairs and rebuilding of churches and parsonages, and for the maintenance of all institutions, seminaries, schools, academies, asylums, and organizations to which the present funds are devoted. Until such provision shall be made and the former possessors shall enter upon the enjoyment of an income on the new system, the National Assembly decrees that the said tithes shall continue to be collected according to law and in the customary manner.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Other tithes, of whatever nature they may be, shall be redeemable in such manner as the Assembly shall determine. Until such regulation shall be issued, the National Assembly decrees that these, too, shall continue to be collected.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;VI. All perpetual ground rents, payable either in money or in kind, of whatever nature they may be, whatever their origin and to whomsoever they may be due, as to members of corporations, holders of the domain or appanages or to the Order of Malta, shall be redeemable. &lt;i&gt;Champarts&lt;/i&gt;, of every kind and under all denominations, shall likewise be redeemable at a rate fixed by the Assembly. No due shall in the future be created which is not redeemable.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;VII. The sale of judicial and municipal offices shall be suppressed forthwith. Justice shall be dispensed &lt;i&gt;gratis&lt;/i&gt;. Nevertheless, the magistrates at present holding such offices shall continue to exercise their functions and to receive their emoluments until the Assembly shall have made provision for indemnifying them.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;VIII. The fees of the country priests are abolished, and shall be discontinued as soon as provision shall be made for increasing the minimum salary of the parish priests and the payment to the curates. A regulation shall be drawn up to determine the status of the priests in the towns.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;IX. Pecuniary privileges, personal or real, in the payment of taxes are abolished forever. Taxes shall be collected from all the citizens, and from all property, in the same manner and in the same form. Plans shall be considered by which the taxes shall be paid proportionally by all, even for the last six months of the current year.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;X. Inasmuch as a national constitution and public liberty are of more advantage to the provinces than the privileges which some of these enjoy, and inasmuch as the surrender of such privileges is essential to the intimate union of all parts of the realm [empire], it is decreed that all the peculiar privileges, pecuniary or otherwise, of the provinces, principalities, districts [&lt;i&gt;pays&lt;/i&gt;], cantons, cities, and communes, are once and for all abolished and are absorbed into the law common to all Frenchmen.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XI. All citizens, without distinction of birth, are eligible to any office or dignity, whether ecclesiastical, civil, or military; and no profession shall imply any derogation.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XII. Hereafter no remittances shall be made for &lt;i&gt;annates&lt;/i&gt; or for any other purpose to the court of Rome, the vice-legation at Avignon, or to the nunciature at Lucerne. The clergy of the diocese shall apply to their bishops in regard to the filling of benefices and dispensations, which shall be granted &lt;i&gt;gratis&lt;/i&gt; without regard to reservations, expectancies, and papal months, all the churches of France enjoying the same freedom.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XIII. The rights of &lt;i&gt;dèport&lt;/i&gt;, of &lt;i&gt;cotte-morte&lt;/i&gt;, &lt;i&gt;dèpouilles&lt;/i&gt;, &lt;i&gt;vacat&lt;/i&gt;, &lt;i&gt;droits&lt;/i&gt;, &lt;i&gt;censaux&lt;/i&gt;, Peter's pence, and other dues of the same kind, under whatever denomination, established in favor of bishops, archdeacons, archpresbyters, chapters, and regular congregations which formerly exercised priestly functions, are abolished, but appropriate provision shall be made for those benefices of archdeacons and archpresbyters which are not sufficiently endowed.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XIV. Pluralities shall not be permitted hereafter in cases where the revenue from the benefice or benefices held shall exceed the sum of three thousand &lt;i&gt;livres&lt;/i&gt;. Nor shall any individual be allowed to enjoy several pensions from benefices, or a pension and a benefice, if the revenue which he already enjoys from such sources exceeds the same sum of three thousand &lt;i&gt;livres&lt;/i&gt;.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XV. The National Assembly shall consider, in conjunction with the King, the report which is to be submitted to it relating to pensions, favors, and salaries, with a view to suppressing all such as are not deserved and reducing those which shall prove excessive; and the amount shall be fixed which the King may in future disburse for this purpose.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XVI. The National Assembly decrees that a medal shall be struck in memory of the recent grave and important deliberations for the welfare of France, and that a &lt;i&gt;Te Deum&lt;/i&gt; shall be chanted in gratitude in all the parishes and the churches of France.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XVII. The National Assembly solemnly proclaims the King, Louis XVI, the Restorer of French Liberty.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XVIII. The National Assembly shall present itself in a body before the King, in order to submit to him the decrees which have just been passed, to tender to him the tokens of its most respectful gratitude, and to pray him to permit the &lt;i&gt;Te Deum&lt;/i&gt; to be chanted in his chapel, and to be present himself at this service.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;XIX. The National Assembly shall consider, immediately after the constitution, the drawing up of the laws necessary for the development of the principles which it has laid down in the present decree. The latter shall be transmitted without delay by the deputies to all the provinces, together with the decree of the tenth of this month, in order that it may be printed, published, announced from the parish pulpits, and posted up wherever it shall be deemed necessary.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Merrick Whitcomb, ed., &lt;i&gt;Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History&lt;/i&gt;, vol. 6 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania History Department, 1899), 2–5.</text>
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                <text>The abolition of the feudal system, which took place during the famous night session of 4–5 August 1789, was precipitated by the reading of a report about the misery and disturbances in the provinces. The report was adopted in a fervor of enthusiasm and excitement, which made some later revision necessary. The decree was drawn up during the following days and contains some alterations and important amplifications of the original provisions as passed in the early morning of 5 August.</text>
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                <text>Decree of the National Assembly Abolishing the Feudal System (11 August 1789)</text>
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                <text>August 11, 1789</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;In the centre of the hall, under a statue of justice, holding scales in one hand, and a sword in the other, with the book of laws by her side, sat Dumas, the president, with the other judges. Under them were seated the public accuser, Fouquier-Tinville, and his scribes. Three coloured ostrich plumes waved over their turned-up hats, &lt;i&gt;à la Henri IV&lt;/i&gt;, and they wore a tri-coloured scarf. To the right were benches on which the accused were placed in several rows, and gendarmes, with carbines and fixed bayonets by their sides. To the left was the jury.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Never can I forget the mournful appearance of these funereal processions to the place of execution. The march was opened by a detachment of mounted gendarmes—the carts followed; they were the same carts as those used in Paris for carrying wood; four boards were placed across them for seats, and on each board sat two, and sometimes three victims; their hands were tied behind their backs, and the constant jolting of the cart made them nod their heads up and down, to the great amusement of the spectators. On the front of the cart stood Samson, the executioner, or one of his sons or assistants; gendarmes on foot marched by the side; then followed a hackney-coach, in which was the &lt;i&gt;Rapporteur&lt;/i&gt; [recorder] and his clerk, whose duty it was to witness the execution, and then return to Fouquier-Tinville, the &lt;i&gt;Accusateur Public&lt;/i&gt; [public prosecutor], to report the execution of what they called the law.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The process of execution was also a sad and heart-rending spectacle. In the middle of the Place de la Révolution was erected a guillotine, in front of a colossal statue of Liberty, represented seated on a rock, a Phrygian cap on her head, a spear in her hand, the other reposing on a shield. On one side of the scaffold were drawn out a sufficient number of carts, with large baskets painted red, to receive the heads and bodies of the victims. Those bearing the condemned moved on slowly to the foot of the guillotine; the culprits were led out in turn, and, if necessary, supported by two of the executioner's valets, as they were formerly called, but now denominated &lt;i&gt;élèves de l'Executeur des hautes oeuvres de la justice&lt;/i&gt; [students of the executor of the great works of justice]; but their assistance was rarely required. Most of these unfortunates ascended the scaffold with a determined step—many of them looked up firmly on the menacing instrument of death, beholding for the last time the rays of the glorious sun, beaming on the polished axe; and I have seen some young men actually dance a few steps before they went up to be strapped to the perpendicular plane, which was then tilted to a horizontal plane in a moment, and ran on the grooves until the neck was secured and closed in by a moving board, when the head passed through what was called in derision,&lt;i&gt; la lunette republicaine &lt;/i&gt;[the republican telescope]; the weighty knife was then dropped with a heavy fall; and, with incredible dexterity and rapidity, two executioners tossed the body into the basket, while another threw the head after it.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>John Gideon Millingen, &lt;i&gt;Recollections of Republican France, from 1790–1801&lt;/i&gt; (London: H. Colburn, 1848), 204–7, 221.</text>
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                <text>This description of the proceedings of the revolutionary tribunal, and of the physical setting of the Place de la Révolution where the guillotine stood, by an unsympathetic English observer gives the flavor of the workings of revolutionary justice. The site of hundreds if not thousands of executions, this public space is now called the Place de la Concorde, "the place of peace," and is situated between the Ministries of the Army and Navy and the new meeting place of the National Assembly.</text>
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                <text>Martyn Lyons, &lt;i&gt;Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution&lt;/i&gt; (London: Macmillan, 1994), 75-76.</text>
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                <text>The prefect of the Haute-Garonne department headquartered in Toulouse reported on his efforts to establish control in a region known for its rebelliousness.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The plots and conspiracies are multiplying at an alarming rate. Scarcely does a week go by without another explosion. This is not surprising, however, ever since the stupid People have been content with breaking up the conspirators instead of executing them, ever since the People have allowed them to gather two steps away from where they had just been rousted, ever since the People let them hold their secret meetings in broad daylight, ever since the People have respected those who have declared themselves to be inviolable. I am tired of repeating it, but as long as the conspirators are not killed, the conspiracies will not end. By dint of hatching new plots against public liberty, they will eventually succeed in destroying it.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Through underhandedly sapping liberty, these aristocratic conspirators are working today to overthrow it. They are doing this by filling the administrative bodies and the courts with their kind, by hiring only reactionaries of the old regime, by enlisting the services of all bureaucrats, and by corrupting the poor through bribing armies of informers, cutthroats, and bandits. By deluding the People and by winning them over with kindness, promises, and gifts, the nobility will succeed in putting them back in chains and bringing about the counterrevolution.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Their last plot that was just exposed consisted of arming the People against the People, and of having the Friends of Liberty's throats slit by the very hands of the poor who they are feeding. This horrible plot had been prepared at leisure. For a long time now, the ministers, and their agents in the provinces, have attracted to the capital a large number of the destitute, the dregs of the army, and the scum from every city in the kingdom.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1791-04-07</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;L'Ami du Peuple,&lt;/i&gt; no. 422 (7 April 1791), 5–7.</text>
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                <text>In this article, Marat characteristically expresses his concern that, although new governmental institutions had been created, they remained under the control of aristocratic influences, hostile to the Revolution. This fear that those in power were themselves lacking in sincerity and devotion to the people would become more pronounced in Marat’s articles as the Revolution continued.</text>
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                <text>556</text>
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                <text>Marat Attacks the Nobility</text>
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                <text>https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/556/</text>
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                <text>April 7, 1791</text>
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        <name>Nobility</name>
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