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              <text>&lt;p&gt; We, Frederick William, by the Grace of God King of Prussia, etc., etc., Hereby make known and give to understand: Since peace has been established we have been occupied before everything else with the care for the depressed condition of our faithful subjects and the speediest revival and greatest possible improvement in this respect. We have considered that in face of the prevailing want the means at our disposal would be insufficient to aid each individual, and even if they were we could not hope to accomplish our object, and that, moreover, in accordance with the imperative demands of justice and the principles of a judicious economic policy it behooves us to remove every obstacle which has hitherto prevented the individual from attaining such a state of prosperity as he was capable of reaching. We have farther considered that the existing restrictions both on the possession and enjoyment of landed property and on the personal condition of the agricultural laborer especially interfere with our benevolent purpose and disable a great force which might be applied to the restoration of cultivation, the former by their prejudicial influence upon the value of landed property and the credit of the proprietor, the latter by diminishing the value of labor. We desire therefore to reduce both kinds of restrictions so far as the common well-being demands and accordingly ordain the following: &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;1. Every inhabitant of our States is competent, without any limitation on the part of the State, to own or mortgage landed property of every kind. The noble may therefore own not only noble but also non-noble, citizen and peasant lands of every kind and the citizen and peasant may possess not only citizen, peasant and other non-noble, but also noble tracts of land, without in any case needing special permission for any acquisition whatever, although henceforth, as before, every change of ownership must be announced to the authorities. All privileges which are possessed by noble over citizen inheritances are entirely abolished, as well as the restrictions and suspension of certain property rights based upon the personal status of the holder. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Special laws shall still continue to regulate the right of those to acquire land who are by reason of their religious beliefs precluded from performing all the duties of citizenship. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;2. Every noble is henceforth permitted, without any derogation from his station, to engage in citizen occupation and every citizen or peasant is allowed to pass from the peasant into the citizen class or from the citizen into the peasant class. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;3. A legal right of pre-emption and of prior claim shall exist hereafter only in the case of superior proprietors, of the lessors of estates on perpetual leases or to copy holders, and of co-proprietary owners, and where a tract of land is sold which is confused with or surrounded by other holdings. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;4. The possessors of alienable landed property of all kinds, whether in town or country, are allowed, after due notice given to the provincial authority, reserving the rights of those holding mortgages and those enjoying rights of pre-emption (3), to separate the principal estate from its appurtenances, and in general to alienate lands piecemeal. In the same way co-proprietors may divide among them property owned in common. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;5. Every landowner, including those holding feudal or entailed estates, is, without any restrictions except the previous announcement to the provincial authorities, permitted to lease in perpetuity not only single peasant holdings, taverns, mills and other appurtenances but outlying land (&lt;i&gt;Vorwerks-land&lt;/i&gt;) as well, either entire or in parts. Nor shall the superior proprietor, the successors to the feudal or entailed holding or the mortgage holder be entitled to prevent this upon any grounds if the preliminary payments be applied to the payment of the first mortgage, or, in the case of feudal and entailed estates where no mortgage exists, it be applied to the entail or fee, and provided, so far as the unsatisfied claims of the mortgage holders are concerned, it be attested by the Provincial Government Law office or by the Provincial authorities that the leasing of the land is not disadvantageous to these. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;6. If a landed proprietor finds himself unable to restore and maintain the several peasant holdings existing upon an estate which are not held hereditarily either on a perpetual lease or of copyhold, he is required to inform the authorities of the province, with the sanction of which the consolidation of several holdings into a single peasant estate or with outlying land shall be permissible so soon as serfdom shall have ceased to exist on the estate. The provincial authorities will be provided with special instructions to meet these cases. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;7. If, on the contrary, the peasants' holdings are hereditary whether in virtue of a perpetual lease or of copy hold, the consolidation or other change in the condition of the land in question is not admissible until the rights of the previous owner are extinguished, whether by the sale of the land to the lord or in some other legal way. In this case the provisions of (6) shall apply as well to this species of holdings. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;8. Every possessor of feudal or entailed property is empowered to raise the sums required to replace the losses caused by the war by mortgaging the estates themselves and not simply the revenue from them, provided that the application of the funds is attested by the &lt;i&gt;Landrath&lt;/i&gt; of the Circle or by the Direction of the District Department. From the close of the third year after the contracting of the debt the possessor and his successor are bound to pay off at least a fifteenth part of the capital annually. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;9. Any feudal connection not subject to a chief proprietor, any family settlement or entail, may be altered at pleasure or entirely abolished by a resolution of the family, as has already been enacted in regard to the Fiefs of East Prussia (except those of Ermeland) in the East Prussian Provincial law, appendix 26. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;10. From the date of this ordinance no new relation of serfdom whether by birth or marriage, or by assuming the position of a serf, or by contract can be created. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;11. With the publication of the present ordinance the existing relations of serfdom of those serfs, with their wives and children, who possess their peasant holdings by inheritance, or in their own right, or by perpetual leases or of copy hold shall cease entirely together with all mutual rights and duties. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;12. From Martinmas, one thousand eight hundred and ten (1810) all serfdom shall cease throughout our whole realm. From Martinmas 1810 there shall be only free persons, as is already the case upon the royal domains in all our provinces, free persons, however, still subject, as a matter of course, to all obligations which bind them as free persons by reason of the possession of an estate or by virtue of a special contract. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; To this declaration of our supreme will everyone whom it may concern and in particular our provincial authorities and other officials are exactly and dutifully to conform and the present ordinance is to be universally made known. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Authentically under our own royal signature, given at Memel, 19 October 1807. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Frederich William, &lt;br /&gt; Schrötter, Stein, Schrötter II. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1807-10-09</text>
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                <text>James H. Robinson, ed., &lt;i&gt;Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History, vol II, no. 2: The Napoleonic Period&lt;/i&gt; (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1902), pp. 27-30.</text>
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                <text>In response to his defeat by Napoleon, Prussian King Frederick William I, pushed by his ministers, initiated a series of reforms intended to modernize property relationships and the administration of the state. This edict abolished serfdom.</text>
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                <text>The Prussian Reform Edict (9 October 1807)</text>
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                <text>October 9, 1807</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The undersigned, &lt;i&gt;chargé d'affaires&lt;/i&gt; of His Majesty the Emperor of the French and King of Italy at the general Diet of the German Empire, has received orders from His Majesty to make the following declarations to the Diet: &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Their Majesties the Kings of Bavaria and of Würtemberg, the Sovereign Princes of Regensburg, Baden, Berg, Hesse-Darmstadt and Nassau, as well as the other leading princes of the south and west of Germany have resolved to form a confederation between themselves which shall secure them against future emergencies, and have thus ceased to be states of the Empire. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; The position in which the Treaty of Pressburg has explicitly placed the courts allied to France, and indirectly those princes whose territory they border or surround, being incompatible with the existence of an empire, it becomes a necessity for those rulers to reorganize their relations upon a new system and to remove a contradiction which could not fail to be a permanent source of agitation, disquiet and danger. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; France, on the other hand, is directly interested in the maintenance of peace in Southern Germany and yet must apprehend that, the moment she shall cause her troops to recross the Rhine, discord, the inevitable consequence of contradictory, uncertain and ill-defined conditions, will again disturb the peace of the people and reopen, possibly, the war on the continent. Feeling it incumbent upon her to advance the welfare of her allies and to assure them the enjoyment of all the advantages which the Treaty of Pressburg secures them and to which she is pledged, France cannot but regard the confederation that they have formed as a natural result and a necessary sequel to that treaty. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; For a long period successive changes have, from century to century reduced the German constitution to a shadow of its former self. Time has altered all the relations in respect to size and importance which originally existed among the various members of the confederation, both as regards each other and the whole of which they have formed a part. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; The Diet has no longer a will of its own. The sentences of the superior courts can no longer be executed. Everything indicates such serious weakness that the federal bond no longer offers any protection whatever and only constitutes a source of dissension and discord between the powers. The results of three coalitions have increased this weakness to the last degree. An electorate has been suppressed by the annexation of Hanover to Prussia. A king in the north has incorporated with his other lands a province of the Empire. The Treaty of Pressburg assures complete sovereignty to their majesties the Kings of Bavaria and of Würtemberg and to His Highness the Elector of Baden. This is a prerogative which the other electors will doubtless demand, and which they are justified in demanding; but this is in harmony neither with the letter nor the spirit of the constitution of the Empire. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; His Majesty the Emperor and King is, therefore, compelled to declare that he can no longer acknowledge the existence of the German Constitution, recognizing, however, the entire and absolute sovereignty of each of the princes whose states compose Germany today, maintaining with them the same relations as with the other independent powers of Europe. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; His Majesty the Emperor and King has accepted the title of &lt;i&gt;Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine&lt;/i&gt;. He has done this with a view only to peace, and in order that by his constant mediation between the weak and the powerful he may obviate every species of dissension and disorder. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Having thus provided for the dearest interests of his people and of his neighbors, and having assured, so far as in him lay, the future peace of Europe and that of Germany in particular, heretofore constantly the theatre of war, by removing a contradiction which placed people and princes alike under the delusive protection of a system contrary both to their political interests and to their treaties, His Majesty the Emperor and King trusts that the nations of Europe will at last close their ears to the insinuations of those who would maintain an eternal war upon the continent. He trusts that the French armies which have crossed the Rhine have done so for the last time, and that the people of Germany will no longer witness, except in the annals of the past, the horrible pictures of disorder, devastation and slaughter which war invariably brings with it. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; His Majesty declared that he would never extend the limits of France beyond the Rhine and he has been faithful to his promise. At present his sole desire is so to employ the means which Providence has confided to him as to free the seas, restore the liberty of commerce and thus assure the peace and happiness of the world. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Bacher &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Regensburg, 1 August 1806 &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>1806-08-01</text>
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                <text>James H. Robinson, ed., &lt;i&gt;Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History, vol II, no. 2: The Napoleonic Period&lt;/i&gt; (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1902), pp. 13-15.</text>
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                <text>To increase his control over the German states and definitively destroy the Holy Roman Empire, Napoleon set up the Confederation of the Rhine, grouping together a large number of formerly indepedent states, and forced the Emperor to abdicate his position.</text>
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                <text>The Confederation of the Rhine and the Dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire (1 August 1806)</text>
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                <text>August 1, 1806</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;In the year 1806, I was drafted with many of my comrades into military service was assigned to the regiment of Romig, which afterward was given the name of Franquemont and of Number 4 and which was in the Ludwigsburg garrison. In the fall I traveled with the regiment to Prussia in the campaign which Emperor Napoleon with the princes who were then his allies, was conducting against Prussia. In the fall we marched through Ellwangen, Nuremberg, Ansbach, Bayreuth, Plauen, Dresden in Saxony, then through Bunzlau into Grossglogau in Silesia, where we remained in garrison for about three weeks. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; During a period from January to March, I had to go with half of the regiment to accompany several convoys of captured Prussians from Glogau back through Crossen, Frankfurt-on-the-Oder, and Dresden, where we were relieved. We were given good quarters everywhere, which kept me always healthy and cheerful in spite of the continuous marching. Furthermore, I was only nineteen years old, a fact which caused me frequently to participate in thoughtless and dangerous enterprises. . . . &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; On this journey from Thorn to Colberg I saw a lake which lay in a forest by a monastery. In this lake were multitudes of frogs which were of a very beautiful bright blue color, and no soldier would quit until he had caught one of these beautiful frogs. Beyond this region we came to a little town in which the largest part of the inhabitants were Jews. The same day we had had to walk several miles through swamps and snow water up to our knees; and, when quarters were taken there for the evening, I and four other men came into a Jew's house. The room was full of straw and goats. Since neither fire nor wood was to be had, we went into the next room to lodge, looked for the Jew, and took him into custody; for only by applying such stern treatment could we induce the wife to bring us food on her husband's account. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; While we were besieging the fortress of Colberg, we were assigned a camp in a swampy place. Since wood and even straw were rarely to be had, the barracks were built from earth and sod, and ditches were dug around them. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; As some sickness was arising because of the continual fog, I also became sick and had to go to the hospital in the fortress of Stettin, which is also a fortress on the sea. When I arrived with several from the regiment, we were placed three bunks high under the roof in the hospital. Here twelve to fifteen of the men about me died every day, which made me sick to my stomach and would have caused my death in the end if I and four comrades had not reported ourselves as being well on the second day and escaped. This hospital and three others, according to rumor, had six thousand sick people; and that was the reason also why everyone with an appetite had to suffer great hunger, which was one of the things that moved me to leave. The third day we five men were allowed to go, and we traveled without delay to our regiment. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; When we five men came again without delay to the fortress of Colberg, we had the honor of enduring the siege in good health for another three weeks. Pentecost Night is especially fixed in my memory, since the fortress was stormed then. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; When we had to leave camp after midnight, all the regiments marched forward through the swamp; and finally, when light firing began upon the outposts, we were commanded to attack by wading through the rampart ditches and to scramble up the outworks by chopping and shoveling. When I stood in the ditch, each first soldier had to pull up the next one with his rifle. The ramparts were of sand, and everyone frequently fell back again because of the attack of the enemy, or just because of the sliding sand; yet in that place huge cannonballs flew by above us, thundering so violently that we would have believed the earth would burst to pieces. When everyone was almost on top of the earthwork, the Prussians were slaughtered with great vigor, and the rest took flight into the gate. Then we, too, wanted to gain possession of the gateway in order to enter the city, but at this critical time many of these Prussians were shot along with our men by small and large guns, and the gate was closed. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Since all sorts of shells and rockets broke out of the fortress like a cloudburst, we had to take to flight. Those who meanwhile were scrambling up the outworks had to jump from the fortress into the moat along with their prisoners, and all the rest had to do likewise. During this retreat, many fell on bayonets, many drowned, and many of us were also brought into the fortress as prisoners and sent away to Danzig by sea. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; When we reached camp, we saw many who had lost their helmet, rifle, saber, knapsack, etc. Because of various falls and pains, many looked for wounds and had none; many, however, did not become aware of the wounds which they had until they reached camp. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; In this camp there were Poles, Westphalians, French, and, as mentioned before, only two regiments of us from Württemberg. One morning the Prussians surprised the Polish camp from the sea with their ships, as had happened before at Easter. The cannon fire on the Poles was so heavy that they could not withdraw fast enough. Their cannonballs also traveled more than half again as far toward our camp as our balls did across the water, since the surrounding swamps were frozen and the balls could roll along on the ice so fast that one ball often took off the feet and legs of ten or twelve men, frequently both feet of the same man. During this blockade the Prussians frequently made attacks, although every time with great losses. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Marc Raeff, ed., The Diary of a Napoleonic Foot Soldier: Jakob Walter (New York: Doubleday, 1991), pp. 3, 10-13.</text>
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                <text>The “French” armies included units from many allied states. Excerpted below is the memoir of an ordinary foot soldier in Napoleon’s army. Jakob Walter came from Württemburg, one of the medium-size German states allied with Napoleon. He fought against other German states, in this instance Prussia.</text>
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                <text>An Ordinary Soldier’s Account (1806)</text>
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                <text>Martyn Lyons, &lt;i&gt;Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution&lt;/i&gt; (London, Macmillan, 1994), p. 25.</text>
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                <text>In his Proclamation, issued en route to Egypt, Bonaparte explained his aims and urged his soldiers to respect the customs of the Muslims.</text>
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                <text>June 22, 1798</text>
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                <text>Martyn Lyons, &lt;i&gt;Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution&lt;/i&gt; (London, Macmillan, 1994), p. 115.</text>
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                <text>Figures compiled by the historian Martyn Lyons for the large southwestern city of Toulouse show that Napoleon enjoyed considerable support in 1802 when he declared himself Consul for Life but that his support eroded over time. In Toulouse, a city with a strong Jacobin past, the declaration of the Empire in 1804 garnered no more support than the Jacobin Republic had in the difficult days of 1793.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The details I am about to give relate to several periods of his reign; but from the year 1806 the rules of his household were pretty nearly invariable, and the slight modifications which they sometimes received scarcely altered the general plan of the arrangement. . . . &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; The Grand Marshal, or Master of the Household, superintended all the expenses of the table, of the domestic service, lighting and heating, etc. These expenses amounted to nearly two millions. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Bonaparte's table was abundant and well served. The plate was of silver and very handsome; on great occasions the dinner service was of silver-gilt. Mme. Murat and the Princess Borghese used dinner-services of silver-gilt. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; The Grand Marshal was the chief of the Prefects of the Palace; his uniform was amethyst-colored, embroidered in silver. The Prefects of the Palace wore the same colored uniform, less richly embroidered. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; The expenditures of the Grand Equerry (Master of the Horse) amounted to three or four millions. There were about twelve hundred horses. The carriages, which were more ponderous than elegant, were all painted green. The Empress had some equipages, among them some pretty open carriages, but no separate stable establishment. The Grand Equerry and the other Equerries wore a uniform of dark blue, embroidered in silver. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; The Grand Chamberlain had charge of all the attendance in the interior of all the palaces, of the wardrobe, the Court theatricals, the fêtes, the chapel choir, of the Emperor's Chamberlains, and of those of the Empress. The expenditure on all these scarcely exceeded three millions. His uniform was red, with silver embroidery. (The embroidery was the same for all the great officers.) The Grand Master of Ceremonies received little more than three hundred thousand francs; his costume was of violet and silver. The Grand Veneur, or Master of the Hunt, received seven hundred thousand francs: he wore green and silver. The expenditure on the chapel was three hundred thousand francs. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; The decoration of the apartments, as well as the care of the buildings, was in charge of the Intendant. The expenses of these would amount to five or six millions. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; It will be seen that, on an average, the expenditure of the Emperor's household would amount to fifteen or sixteen million of francs annually. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; In later years he built extensively, and the expenditure was increased. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Every year he ordered hangings and furniture for the various palaces from Lyons. This was with a view to encouraging the manufactures of that city. For the same reason he bought handsome pieces of furniture in mahogany, which were placed in storerooms, and also bronzes, etc. Porcelain manufacturers had orders to supply complete services of extreme beauty. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; On the return of the King [in 1815], the palaces were all found to be newly furnished, and the furniture stores quite full. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; But, including all these things, the expenditure never exceeded twenty millions, even in the most costly years, such as those of the coronation and of the marriage. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Bonaparte's expenditure on dress was put down on the budget at forty thousand francs. Sometimes it slightly exceeded this sum. During campaigns it was necessary to send him both linen and clothes to several places at once. The slightest sense of inconvenience, or the smallest difference of quality in the linen or cloth, would make him throw aside a coat or any other garment. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; He always said he wished to dress like a simple officer of his own Guards, and grumbled continually at what, as he said, “he was made to spend”; while, from his caprice or awkwardness, the entire renewal of his wardrobe was constantly necessary. Among other destructive habits, he had that of stirring the wood-fires with his foot, thereby scorching his shoes and boots. This generally happened when he was in a passion; at such times he would violently kick the blazing logs in the nearest fireplace. . . . &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Bonaparte's hour for rising was irregular, but usually it was seven o'clock. If he woke during the night, he would resume his work, or take a bath or a meal. He generally awoke depressed, and apparently in pain. He suffered frequently from spasms in the stomach, which produced vomiting. At times this appeared to alarm him greatly, as if he feared he had taken poison, and then it was difficult to prevent him from increasing the sickness by taking emetics (the principal physician, Corvisart, gave me these details). . . . &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; The other physicians or surgeons on duty might not come unless they were summoned. Bonaparte seemed to put no great faith [in] medicine—it was frequently a matter of jesting with him; but he had great confidence in Corvisart, and much esteem for him. He had good health, and a strong constitution; but, when he suffered from any indisposition, he became uneasy and nervous. He was occasionally troubled with a slight affection of the skin, and sometimes complained of his liver. He ate moderately, drank little, and indulged in no excesses of any kind. He took a good deal of coffee. . . . &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Bonaparte so thoroughly accustomed himself during his reign to make no account of those about him, that this habitual disregard pervaded all his habits. He had not any of the delicacy that is ordinarily imparted by training and education, and would make his toilet in the most thorough fashion in the presence of any person whomsoever. In the same way, if he got impatient while his valet was dressing him, he would fly into a passion, heedless of all respect for himself or others. He would throw any garment that did not please him on the floor or into the fire. He attended to his hands and nails with great care. Several pairs of nail-scissors had to be in readiness, as he would break or throw them away if they were not sufficiently sharp. He never made use of any perfume except eau de Cologne, but of that he would get through sixty bottles in a month. He considered it a very wholesome practice to sprinkle himself thoroughly with eau de Cologne. Personal cleanliness was with him a matter of calculation, for, as I said before, he was naturally careless. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; When his toilet was concluded, he went to his cabinet, where his private secretary was in attendance. Precisely at nine o'clock, the Chamberlain on duty, who had arrived at the palace at eight a.m., had carefully inspected the whole suite of rooms, that all might be in perfect order, and seen that the servants were at their posts, knocked at the door and announced the &lt;i&gt;levée&lt;/i&gt;. He never entered the cabinet unless told to come in by the Emperor. I have already given an account of these &lt;i&gt;levées&lt;/i&gt;. When they were over, Bonaparte frequently gave private audiences to some of the principal persons present—princes, ministers, high officials or prefects on leave. Those who had not the right of entry to the &lt;i&gt;levée&lt;/i&gt; could only obtain an audience by applying to the Chamberlain on duty, who presented their names to the Emperor. He generally refused to see the applicants. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; The &lt;i&gt;levée&lt;/i&gt; and audiences would last until the hour of breakfast. That meal was served at eleven o'clock, in what was called the &lt;i&gt;salon de service&lt;/i&gt;, the same apartment in which he held private audiences and received his ministers. The Prefect of the Palace announced breakfast, and remained present, standing all the time. During breakfast the Emperor received artists or actors. He would eat quickly of two or three dishes, and finish with a large cup of coffee without milk. After breakfast he returned to his work. The &lt;i&gt;salon&lt;/i&gt; of which I have just spoken was ordinarily occupied by the Colonel-General of the Guards on duty for the week, the Chamberlain, the Equerry, the Prefect of the Palace, and, on a hunting morning, one of the officers of the hunt. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; The ministerial councils were held on fixed days. There were three State councils a week. For five or six years the Emperor frequently presided over them, his Colonel-General and the Chamberlain being in attendance on him. He is said to have generally displayed remarkable ability in carrying on or suggesting discussions. He frequently astonished his hearers by observations full of luminousness and depth on subjects which would have seemed to be quite beyond his reach. In more recent times he showed less tolerance for others in these discussions, and adopted a more imperious tone. The State council, or that of the Ministers, or his own private work, lasted to six p.m. . . .&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;With all this extreme luxury, the exquisite taste of the Empress, and the rich costumes of the men, the Court was, as may readily be imagined, most brilliant. It may even be said that on certain days the &lt;i&gt;coup d'oeil&lt;/i&gt; was absolutely dazzling. Foreigners were much struck by it. It was during this year (1806) that the Emperor decided to give occasional concerts in the Hall of the Marshals, as a certain large hall, hung with portraits of the Marshals, was called. These portraits are very likely there now. This hall was lighted by an infinite number of candles, and to it were invited all those persons who had any connection with the Government and those who had been presented. Thus there were assembled usually between four and five hundred persons. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; After having walked through the salons where all these people were assembled, Bonaparte entered the hall and took his place at the end; the Empress on his left, as well as the Princesses of his family, in the most dazzling costumes; his mother on his right—still a very handsome woman, with an air of great distinction. His brothers were richly dressed, and they with foreign princes and other dignitaries were seated. Behind were the grand officers, the chamberlains, and all the staff, in their embroidered uniforms. Upon the right and the left, in curved lines, sat two rows of ladies—the Lady of Honor, the Lady in Waiting, and the Ladies of the Palace, almost all of them young, the greater number of them pretty and beautifully dressed. (A court dress at the least cost fifty louis, and we changed them very often. As a general thing this costume was embroidered in gold or silver, and trimmed with mother-of-pearl. Many diamonds were worn, in sprays and scattered among garlands for the hair, or set in bands for the neck and arms.) Then came a large number of ladies—foreigners and Frenchwomen—whose toilets were exquisite beyond words. Behind these two rows of seated ladies were men standing—ambassadors, ministers, marshals, senators, generals, and so on—all in the most gorgeous costumes. Opposite the imperial chairs were the musicians, and as soon as the Emperor was seated they executed the best music, which, however, in spite of the strict silence that was enjoined and preserved, fell on inattentive ears. When the concert was over, in the center of the room, which had been kept vacant, appeared the best dancers, male and female, from the opera, and executed a charming ballet. This part of the entertainment of the evening amused every one even the Emperor. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Memoirs of Madame de Remusat, 1802-1808, tr. Mrs. Cashel Hoey and John Lillie, 3 vols. (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1880), II: pp. 365, 368-373, 378-379.</text>
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                <text>The memoirs of Claire, Countess of Rémusat provide a bird’s-eye view into the operation of Napoleon’s imperial household. Rémusat was a lady-in-waiting to Napoleon’s first wife Josephine. Napoleon wanted an elaborate court to underline his imperial power.</text>
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                <text>The Glitter of the Imperial Court</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;My aunt and Monsieur de Lally wrote us from Paris that all the persons whom we had formerly known had rallied to the government. The Concordat had just been published and the reestablishment of religion had a prodigious effect in the provinces. Until this moment, divine services were only held in private rooms, if not entirely in secret, and the priests were almost always returned &lt;i&gt;émigrés&lt;/i&gt;. There was therefore universal joy when Monsieur d'Aviau de Sanzai, a man highly esteemed, was appointed Archbishop at Bordeaux. We had the honor of entertaining him at Le Bouilh during the first two days which followed his taking possession of the diocese. We brought together to receive him all the good curés of our former estate which comprised nineteen parishes. The greater part, recently appointed, had returned from foreign countries. Others had been concealed with their parishioners or in private houses. Our Archbishop was adored by all and his entry into Bordeaux was a triumph. The gratitude which all felt went out to the great man who held the reins of government. When he proclaimed himself Consul for Life, this gratitude was shown by the almost unanimous approbation of those who were called upon to vote upon this proposition. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; A little later there appeared in the communes the lists upon which it was necessary for the voters to inscribe their names and respond by “yes” or “no” to the question as to whether the Consul for Life should be proclaimed Emperor. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; Monsieur de La Tour du Pin was in a state of great indecision before he decided to write “yes” upon the list at Saint-André-de-Cubzac. I saw him walk up and down alone in the garden, but I did not try to penetrate his thoughts. Finally one evening he entered and I learned with pleasure that he had just written “yes” as a result of his reflections. . . . &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; The following day [1810, almost a decade after the preceding passage] there was to be a grand ball at the Hôtel de Ville. I was therefore somewhat put out when I was invited to dinner at Laeken, as I did not well see how I could find a moment to change my toilette, or at least my gown, between the dinner and the ball. However, the pleasure of seeing and listening to the Emperor during a period of two hours was so great that I could not but appreciate the value of such an invitation. The Duc d'Ursel accompanied me, and as we were to go afterwards to the Hôtel de Ville to receive the Emperor, I ordered my femme de chambre to be there with another toilette all ready. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; This dinner was one of the events of my life of which I have preserved the most agreeable recollection. Here is the way in which the guests, to the number of eight, were placed at the table: The Emperor; at his right, the Queen of Westphalia; then Maréchal Berthier; the King of Westphalia; the Empress; the Duc d'Ursel; Mme. de Bouillé; finally myself, at the left of the Emperor. He talked to me nearly all the time, regarding the manufactures, the laces, the daily wages, the life of the lace-makers; then of the monuments, the antiquities, the establishments of charity, the manners of the people, the &lt;i&gt;béguines&lt;/i&gt;. Fortunately I was well posted regarding all of these subjects. The Emperor demanded of the Duc d'Ursel: “What are the wages of the lace-maker?” The poor man was embarrassed in the endeavor to express the sum in centimes. The Emperor saw his hesitation, and turning to me asked: “What is the name of the money of the country?” I replied: “An &lt;i&gt;escalin&lt;/i&gt;, or sixty-three centimes.” “Ah! c'est bien,” said he. . . . &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; The Emperor and his wife left the following morning. A yacht highly decorated took them to the end of the Canal of Brussels where they found the carriages which conveyed them to Antwerp. On boarding the yacht, my husband noticed the Marquis de Trazegnies, the Commander of the Guard of Honor. Fearing that the Emperor would not invite him to take a place on the yacht, where there was only room for a few persons, he named him, at the same time adding: “His ancestor was Constable under Saint Louis.” These words produced a magic effect on the Emperor, who immediately summoned the Marquis de Trazegnies and had a long talk with him. A short time later, his wife was named Dame du Palais. She pretended to be displeased over this nomination, although secretly she was delighted. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Recollections of the Revolution and the Empire by la Marquise de la Tour du Pin, ed. and trans., Walter Geer (New York: Brentano's, 1920), pp. 320-321, 358-360.</text>
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                <text>To make his new hybrid state work, Napoleon curried the favor of the old regime nobles. He needed their approval to make his empire convincing. Although he set up his own form of nobility, largely granted for exceptional military service, he wanted to amalgamate these new nobles with the old nobility of the monarchy. The memoirs of Henriette-Lucie Dillon, wife of Frédéric-Séraphin, Comte de La Tour du Pin, show his success.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Of the Rights and Respective Duties of Husband and Wife:&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Husband and wife mutually owe to each other fidelity, succor, and assistance.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The husband owes protection to his wife, the wife obedience to her husband.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The wife is obliged to live with her husband, and to follow him wherever he may think proper to dwell: the husband is bound to receive her, and to furnish her with everything necessary for the purposes of life, according to his means and condition.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The wife can do no act in law without the authority of the husband, even where she shall be a public trader, or not in community, or separate in property.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Of Causes of Divorce:&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The husband may demand divorce for cause of adultery on the part of his wife.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The wife may demand divorce for cause of adultery on the part of her husband, where he shall have kept his concubine in their common house.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Of the Provisional Measures to Which the Demand of Divorce for Cause Defined May Give Cause:&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The provisional administration of the children shall remain with the husband plaintiff or defendant in divorce, unless it shall be otherwise ordered by the tribunal, at the request either of the mother, or of the family, or of the imperial proctor, for the greater benefit of the children.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Bryant Barrett, trans., &lt;i&gt;The Code Napoleon&lt;/i&gt;, verbally translated from the French, 2 vols. (London: W. Reed, 1811), I: 47, 49, 57; II: p. 358.</text>
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                <text>Napoleon brought to completion a project dear to the hearts of the revolutionaries, the drafting of new law codes. The civil code was the most important of them because it institutionalized equality under the law (at least for adult men), guaranteed the abolition of feudalism, and, not least, gave the nation one single code of law replacing the hundreds in effect in 1789. As the following excerpts show, however, it also codified the subservience of women in marriage and of workers in their places of employment. Divorce was still allowed (it had been established in 1792), but under conditions that were very unfavorable to wives.</text>
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                <text>The French Civil Code (1804)</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The internal situation of France is today as calm as it has ever been in the most peaceful periods. There is no agitation to disturb the public tranquility, no suggestion of those crimes which recall the Revolution. Everywhere useful enterprises are in progress, and the general improvements, both public and private, attest the universal confidence and sense of security. . . &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;A plot conceived by an implacable government was about to replunge France into the abyss of civil war and anarchy. The discovery of this horrible crime stirred all France profoundly, and anxieties that had scarcely been calmed again awoke. Experience has taught that a divided power in the state is impotent and at odds with itself. It was generally felt that if power was delegated for short periods only, it was so uncertain as to discourage any prolonged undertakings or wide-reaching plans. If vested in an individual for life, it would lapse with him, and after him would prove a source of anarchy and discord. It was clearly seen that for a great nation the only salvation lies in hereditary power, which can alone assure a continuous political life which may endure for generations, even for centuries.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The Senate, as was proper, served as the organ through which this general apprehension found expression. The necessity of hereditary power in a state as vast as France had long been perceived by the First Consul. He had endeavored in vain to avoid this conclusion; but the public solicitude and the hopes of our enemies emphasized the importance of his task, and he realized that his death might ruin his whole work. Under such circumstances, and with such a pressure of public opinion, there was no alternative left to the First Consul. He resolved, therefore, to accept for himself, and two of his brothers after him, the burden imposed by the exigencies of the situation. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; After prolonged consideration, repeated conferences with the members of the Senate, discussion in the councils, and the suggestions of the most prudent advisers, a series of provisions was drawn up which regulate the succession to the imperial throne. These provisions were decreed by a &lt;i&gt;senatus-consultus&lt;/i&gt; of the 28 Floréal last. The French people, by a free and independent expression, then manifested its desire that the imperial dignity should pass down in a direct line through the legitimate or adopted descendants of Napoleon Bonaparte, or through the legitimate descendants of Joseph Bonaparte, or of Louis Bonaparte. &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; From this moment Napoleon was, by the most unquestioned of titles, Emperor of the French. No other act was necessary to sanction his right and consecrate his authority. But he wished to restore in France the ancient forms and recall those institutions which divinity itself seems to have inspired. He wished to impress the seal of religion itself upon the opening of his reign. The head of the Church, in order to give the French a striking proof of his paternal affection, consented to officiate at this august ceremony. What deep and enduring impressions did this leave on the mind of Napoleon and in the memory of the nation! What thoughts for future races! What a subject of wonder for all Europe! &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; In the midst of this pomp, and under the eye of the Eternal, Napoleon pronounced the inviolable oath which assures the integrity of the empire, the security of property, the perpetuity of institutions, the respect for law, and the happiness of the nation. The oath of Napoleon shall be forever the terror [of] the enemies of France. If our borders are attacked, it will be repeated at the head of our armies, and our frontiers shall never more fear foreign invasion. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>James H. Robinson and Charles A. Beard, eds., Readings in Modern European History, vol. 1 (Boston: Ginn and Company, 1908), pp. 334-336.</text>
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                <text>When he made himself emperor, Napoleon clearly rejected the republican form of government. Here he tries to claim that hereditary government is necessary in a large state. The presence of the pope at his coronation seemed to confer legitimacy on the act.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;“I swear to maintain the constitution, to respect liberty of conscience, to oppose a return to feudal institutions, never to make war except for the defense and glory of the Republic, and to employ the authority with which I shall be invested only for the good of the people, from whom and for whom I shall have received it.”&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Frank M. Anderson, ed., The Constitutions and Other Illustrative Documents of the History of France, 2nd ed., revised (New York: Russell and Russell, 1908), p. 331.</text>
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                <text>The oath that Bonaparte took on becoming consul for life gives a good idea of the image that he tried to project: protector of the gains of the Revolution and insurer of order. In retrospect, his claims about not wishing to make war ring hollow.</text>
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