37 10 1079 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Sortable Date 1803-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Martyn Lyons, Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution (London, Macmillan, 1994), p. 90. Description An account of the resource Despite the official settlement with the papacy, some priests refused to bury those who had supported the pro–revolutionary wing of the church in the 1790s and others preached royalism from the pulpit. These excerpts come from a report made to the Minister of Police in 1803. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 506 Title A name given to the resource Religious Conflicts after the Concordat (1803) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/506/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1803 Napoleon Bonaparte Public Opinion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Napoleon was not irreligious in the ordinary sense of the word. He would not admit that there had ever existed a genuine atheist; he condemned Deism as the result of rash speculation. A Christian and a Catholic, he recognized in religion alone the right to govern human societies. He looked on Christianity as the basis of all real civilization; and considered Catholicism as the form of worship most favorable to the maintenance of order and the true tranquility of the moral world; Protestantism as a source of trouble and disagreements. Personally indifferent to religious practices, he respected them too much to permit the slightest ridicule of those who followed them. It is possible that religion was, with him, more the result of an enlightened policy than an affair of sentiment; but whatever might have been the secret of his heart, he took care never to betray it. His opinions of men were concentrated in one idea which, unhappily for him, had in his mind gained the force of an axiom. He was persuaded that no man, called to appear in public life, or even only engaged in the active pursuits of life, was guided or could be guided by an other motive than that of interest. He did not deny the existence of virtue and honor; but he maintained that neither of these sentiments had ever been the chief guide of any but those whom he called dreamers, and to whom, by this title, he, in his own mind, denied the existence of the requisite faculty for taking a successful part in the affairs of society. . . . Whilst in his conceptions all was clear and precise, in what required action he knew neither difficulty nor uncertainty. Ordinary rules did not embarrass him at all. In practice, as in discussion, he went straight to the end in view without being delayed by considerations which he treated as secondary, and of which he perhaps too often disdained the importance. The most direct line to the object he desired to reach was that which he chose by preference, and which he followed to the end, while nothing could entice him to deviate from it; but then, being no slave to his plans, he knew how to give them up or modify them the moment that his point of view changed, or new combinations gave him the means of attaining it more effectually by a different path. . . . Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Clemens Lothar Wenzel, FŸrst von Metternich-Winneburg, Memoirs of Prince Metternich, 1773-1815, ed. Prince Richard Metternich, tr. Mrs. Alexander Napier, 5 vols. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1880-1882), I: pp. 272-273. Description An account of the resource Klemens von Metternich, head of the Austrian government and therefore a sharp critic of Napoleon, reported that Napoleon viewed Catholicism in largely utilitarian, even cynical terms. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 505 Title A name given to the resource Napoleon’s Personal Feelings about Religion Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/505/ Napoleon Bonaparte Religion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document The government of the French Republic recognizes that the Roman, catholic and apostolic religion is the religion of the great majority of French citizens. His Holiness likewise recognizes that this same religion has derived and in this moment again expects the greatest benefit and grandeur from the establishment of catholic worship in France and from the personal profession of it which the Consuls of the Republic make. In consequence, after this mutual recognition, as well for the benefit of religion as for the maintenance of internal tranquility, they have agreed as follows: 1. The catholic, apostolic and Roman religion shall be freely exercised in France: its worship shall be public, and in conformity with the police regulations which the government shall deem necessary for the public tranquility. . . . 4. The First Consul of the Republic shall make appointments, within the three months which shall follow the publication of the bull of His Holiness to the archbishoprics and bishoprics of the new circumscription. His Holiness shall confer the canonical institution, following the forms established in relation to France before the change of government. . . . 6. Before entering upon their functions, the bishops shall take directly, at the hands of the First Consul, the oath of fidelity which was in use before the change of government, expressed in the following terms: “I swear and promise to God, upon the holy scriptures, to remain in obedience and fidelity to the government established by the constitution of the French Republic. I also promise not to have any intercourse, nor to assist by any council, nor to support any league, either within or without, which is inimical to the public tranquility; and if, within my diocese or elsewhere, I learn that anything to the prejudice of the state is being contrived, I will make it known to the government.” Sortable Date 1801-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Frank M. Anderson, ed., The Constitutions and Other Illustrative Documents of the History of France, 2nd ed., revised (New York: Russell and Russell, 1908), pp. 296-297. Description An account of the resource One of Napoleon’s first priorities was to reestablish good relations with the papacy, which had fought the revolutionary church settlement tooth and nail. Napoleon gained everything he desired in the Concordat: he appointed the bishops and archbishops of the French church, and all bishops had to swear an oath of fidelity to the French Republic. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 504 Title A name given to the resource Making Peace with the Catholic Church, 1801–2 Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/504/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1801 Laws Napoleon Bonaparte Religion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Sortable Date 1800-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Martyn Lyons, Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution (London, Macmillan, 1994), p. 70. Description An account of the resource Naming his brother Lucien to the key post of minister of the interior, Bonaparte quickly moved to establish his political control over the country. He set up “prefects” for every administrative region known as a department; these appointees had final say in such important matters as finances, politics, and the conscription of troops. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 503 Title A name given to the resource Establishing a New Administrative Order (1800–1801) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/503/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1800 Napoleon Bonaparte Provinces Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document On my return to Paris [from Egypt] I found division among all authorities, and agreement upon only one point, namely, that the Constitution was half destroyed and was unable to save liberty. All parties came to me, confided to me their designs, disclosed their secrets, and requested my support; I refused to be the man of a party. The Council of Elders summoned me; I answered its appeal. A plan of general restoration had been devised by men whom the nation has been accustomed to regard as the defenders of liberty, equality, and property; this plan required an examination, calm, free, exempt from all influence and all fear. Accordingly, the Council of Elders resolved upon the removal of the legislative Body to Saint-Cloud; it gave me the responsibility of disposing the force necessary for its independence. I believe it my duty to my fellow citizens, to the soldiers perishing in our armies, to the national glory acquired at the cost of their blood, to accept the command. The Councils assembled at Saint-Cloud; republican troops guaranteed their security from without, but assassins created terror within. Several deputies of the Council of Five Hundred, armed with stilettos and firearms, circulated threats of death around them. The plans which ought to have been developed were withheld, the majority disorganized, the boldest orators disconcerted, and the futility of every wise proposition was evident. I took my indignation and grief to the Council of Elders. I besought it to assure the execution of its generous designs; I directed its attention to the evils of the Patrie [Fatherland] . . . ; it concurred with me by new evidence of its steadfast will. I presented myself at the Council of Five Hundred, alone, unarmed, my head uncovered, just as the Elders had received and applauded me; I came to remind the majority of its wishes, and to assure it of its power. The stilettos which menaced the deputies were instantly raised against their liberator; twenty assassins threw themselves upon me and aimed at my breast. The grenadiers of the Legislative Body whom I had left at the door of the hall ran forward, placed themselves between the assassins and myself. One of these brave grenadiers had his clothes pierced by a stiletto. They bore me out. At the same moment cries of “Outlaw” were raised against the defender of the law. It was the fierce cry of assassins against the power destined to repress them. They crowded around the president, uttering threats, arms in their hands they commanded him to outlaw me; I was informed of this: I ordered him to be rescued from their fury, and six grenadiers of the Legislative Body secured him. Immediately afterwards some grenadiers of the legislative body charged into the hall and cleared it. The factions, intimidated, dispersed and fled. The majority, freed from their attacks, returned freely and peaceably into the meeting hall, listened to the proposals on behalf of public safety, deliberated, and prepared the salutary resolution which is to become the new and provisional law of the Republic. Frenchmen, you will doubtless recognize in this conduct the zeal of a soldier of liberty, a citizen devoted to the Republic. Conservative, tutelary, and liberal ideas have been restored to their rights through the dispersal of the rebels who oppressed the Councils. Sortable Date 1799-11-10 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Hall Stewart, ed., A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution (New York: Macmillan, 1951), pp. 763-765. Description An account of the resource Napoleon glosses over the conspiracy to overthrow the Constitution of 1795 and the duly elected legislature. This conspiracy was organized in part by his younger brother Lucien. He does, however, admit that some of the deputies opposed his endeavor and tried to arrest him. At this moment, Napoleon portrays himself as a simple “soldier of liberty, a citizen devoted to the Republic.” Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 502 Title A name given to the resource Napoleon’s Own Account of His Coup d’Etat (10 November 1799) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/502/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 10, 1799 Napoleon Bonaparte Public Opinion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document The 17th Prairial (5 June 1796) Bonaparte arrived at Brescia . . . I found myself in his presence a few moments after he had alighted. I was strangely surprised at his appearance. Nothing could be farther from the picture which I had formed of him. I saw, in the midst of a numerous staff, a man below the medium height and extremely thin. His powdered hair, which was cut in a peculiar, square fashion below the ears, fell down to his shoulders. he had on a straight coat, closely buttoned up, decorated with a very narrow gold embroidery, and wore a tri-colored plume in his hat. At first glance the face did not seem to me a fine one, but the striking features, a quick and searching eye, and abrupt, animated gestures, proclaimed an ardent soul, while the broad, serious forehead showed a deep thinker. He had me sit down by him and we talked about Italy. Hs speech was quick and at this time very incorrect. On the 13th of Prairial (June 1st), I found Bonaparte at the magnificent residence of Montebello, in the midst of a brilliant court rather than the headquarters of an army. Severe etiquette was already maintained in his presence. His aides-de-camp and officers were no longer received at his table and he exercised great care in the choice of those whom he did admit, so that to sit down with him was considered a rare honor, to be obtained only with difficulty. He dined so to speak in public, and during the meal the inhabitants of the country were admitted to the dining room and allowed to feast their eyes upon him. He showed himself, however, in no way embarrassed or confused by this exhibition of esteem, and received them as if he had always been accustomed to such tributes. His salons and a great canopy which he had had raised in front of the palace toward the gardens, were constantly filled with a throng of generals, officials, and purveyors, as well as the highest nobility and the most distinguished men of Italy who came to solicit the favor of a glance or a moment's conversation. . . . Bonaparte took us for a walk in the extensive gardens of his beautiful residence. The promenade lasted toward two hours, during which the general talked almost continuously. . . . “What I have done so far is nothing,” he said to us; “I am but at the opening of the career I am to run. Do you suppose that I have gained my victories in Italy in order to advance the lawyers of the Directory, the Carnots and the Barras? Do you think, either, that my object is to establish a Republic? What a notion! A Republic of thirty million people, with our morals and vices! How could that ever be? It is a chimera with which the French are infatuated but which will pass away in time like all the others. What they want is glory and the gratification of their vanity; as for liberty, of that they have no conception. Look at the army! The victories which we have just gained have given the French soldier his true character. I am everything to him. Let the Directory attempt to deprive me of my command and they will see who is master. The nation must have a head, a head rendered illustrious by glory and not by theories of government, fine phrases, or the talk of idealists, of which the French understand not a whit. Let them have their toys and they will be satisfied. They will amuse themselves and allow themselves to be led, provided the goal is cleverly disguised.” Sortable Date 1796-06-05 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived James H. Robinson, ed., Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History, vol II, no. 2: The Napoleonic Period (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1902), pp. 1-3. Description An account of the resource In his memoirs, André François Miot de Melito, a special minister from the French government to Piedmont, tells of his first impressions of the young Napoleon Bonaparte, who was only twenty-seven but already an important general because of his victories in the Italian campaign. Bonaparte held court in Italy like a ruler. According to Miot, Bonaparte had already formed a plan to take absolute power for himself. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 501 Title A name given to the resource Napoleon as an Ambitious Young General in 1796–97 Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/501/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 5, 1796 Napoleon Bonaparte Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Citizens, the dangers you are facing are only too certain: nearly 300,000 men are ready to lay siege to your frontiers; you lack gunpowder, arms, and, above all, unity! Your ministers are being forced from office, but what does that matter if they are only replaced by others equally corrupt? What does that matter when the specter of war threatens to burn all your cities and if the land is burned out from under your feet by monsters who have sworn to defeat you, to take at one stroke your fortunes, your hopes, your constitution, and your liberty! The sections, I know, call not only for the ministers to be sacked but that they be judged as criminals for treason! This is being done, but the sections must not limit themselves just to this. They must also become concerned with our external affairs and with interior affairs relative to the capital. Have no doubt, it is Paris, capital of the Revolution, brilliant theater of liberty, that the innumerable armies of all the despots of Europe will burn. The sections must therefore reform the National Guard, pulverize the existing officer corps, and submit all commissioned and noncommissioned officers to new elections, thereby relighting the patriotic torch which all your hearts embraced the day the Bastille fell. . . . Look how provincial patriots, tired of having the National Assembly ignore their pleas for arms . . . resolved to take matters into their own hands. The government of the Department of the Bouches-du-Rhône and nearby districts have summoned the heads of the aristocratic horde to declare what they propose to do with the large number of foreigners and fanatical enemies of the Revolution they have enrolled, with the large number of arms they have amassed and . . . above all, to end their preparations for civil war. Not satisfied with the response they received, they decided to go farther and to begin to undo the counterrevolution which has formed in the south of France. The 15th of this month, every active citizen of the city of Cavaillon . . . threw off the yoke of their tyrants [the papal enclave around Avignon]. . . . As we are finishing writing this article, we learn that the siege of Carpentras has begun and that the Avignonnais patriots have sworn to destroy the local aristocracy and to take control by themselves of the enormous amount of munitions stored there. . . . The generals, the officers of the army are showing themselves to be inflexible; the uprisings of what they call la canaille [the rabble] do not interest their great Spirit. Sortable Date 1790-11-28 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived L'Orateur du peuple, vol. 3, no. 13 (28 November 1790), 97–104. Description An account of the resource One of the targets of the left was the officer corps. Recruited from the aristocracy, the military leadership was, of course, suspect. When early battles went poorly, suspicion, justifiable or not, only mounted. Such circumstances led to even more emigration by officers, generating an upward spiral of mutual hostility. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 496 Title A name given to the resource Ex–Nobles Targeted in the Press—Military Nobility Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/496/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 28, 1790 Nobility Public Opinion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Many philosophers have addressed the subject of women. Most of them were content to remind women of their duties, and to set such narrow limits on their minds, their hearts, and their passions that women saw themselves endlessly needing to overcome these limits. Most of these philosophers pretended not to see the eternal equilibrium with which nature has balanced the real force of men with the tacit force of women. They told women, "We are the being par excellence, you are merely incidental." At each instance, they sent women back to what has been called the primitive state of nature, without thinking that men themselves are very far from this possibly illusory state. They forgot that the existence, tastes, and passions of women are directly linked to theirs, and that the impulse, good or bad, that drives one cannot leave the other behind. From these two false premises, the philosophers drew the spurious result that the most just and objective mind can, in no way, be applied to men and women as they are. Some of them have dared, in vain, to raise their voices in our favor. Disapproval, neglect, and that sort of authority that time lends to injustice itself, all combined to leave things in the order that the Law of the Jungle has established, almost always avoided by the skill of the weakest. Under the old government there was a time when one religion, which we were fond of abusing, made it a crime for God's faithful to cast a glance upon His most pleasing work. There was a time when the majority of the laws seemed to still be imbued with traces of barbarity and feudalism. There was a time when it was not thought to be necessary to ensure that half of the human race be protected by half the laws tied to humanity. This is how it appeared. But for ten years now, the words of equality and liberty have been echoing throughout the land, and philosophy, with the help of experience, has ceaselessly taught man about his true rights. That during this time the rights of women have been completely neglected is what is hardest to comprehend, as if the important themes with which our minds have been taken since the Revolution in some way seemed to justify this oversight. Yes, no doubt circumstances justified it. Women are such an essential part of society that it seems incredible that they have counted for nothing in the various schemes which were necessarily designed to achieve happiness for all. Public interest, and the interest of individuals, are equally wronged by this strange and illusory omission. It is certain that by tying women in any way to the State, their opinions would not be set since these opinions are almost always floating between their own passions and those of the men who interest them. It is certain that by doing so, no patriotic spirit is being fostered in their hearts, and consequently in those of their children, and this lack of spirit shall be all the more unalterable in that it will be thought through and based upon their own interests. Finally, it is certain that it is not of the greatest importance to make women love the government under which they live because they are endlessly thinking and discussing with the men, and often on their level, while also subjugating these men through the wiles of their gender. They can thus have more influence over even the most clear-headed of minds than the law could ever achieve. Oh! Success could never allow a virtuous woman, beautiful and enlightened, of whom there have been so many, lacking even the first and most essential of these qualities, from nonetheless subjugating the greatest of men! . . . This reasoning, simple and proven by experience, must have struck the fairest of minds. But unfortunately there are fewer of that sort than of the other. The masses are seduced equally by error and truth provided that one has the art of giving them a distinctive appearance. The masses have easily adopted the opinion that by restricting and eliminating the power of women, men would apparently have consequentially greater latitude. Force was placed on one side, and weakness was assumed to be on the other. In vain, a thousand heroic actions, especially during the Revolution, seemed to lead to this judgment. The judges were men, and the women, forgotten so to speak, were not able to benefit of the laws that favor men, and have remained floating, left to themselves, the winds of fate, their whims, their own company, their still active passions, and their influence which is so often triumphant. It must be admitted, however, that even if these passionate and exclusive minds have managed to establish in the masses an unfavorable opinion of women, Nature, stronger than they, compensates women for it, usually on an individual basis, thereby reestablishing the equilibrium. It is in this way that justice reasserts itself, as when the husband enjoys deferring to his wife's advice. It is there where, upon leaving a gathering which included speeches against women's education, a sensible father seeks to develop the seeds of all talent and knowledge in his daughter. Finally, it is there where this same man, perhaps the author of a law against women's independence, does not consent to give into the arms of a son-in-law the woman who owes him her life. Even though no matter how much he assures her of a life free from the whims of her husband, an inconsistency that alone would suffice to enlighten everyone, if self-love or pride could ever be enlightened by truth. I say it again, it is above all since the Revolution that this inconsistency has become more painful, and which women, following the example of men, have thought the most about their true natures and have consequently acted. It is those women whose fortune has allowed them free time to give in part to teaching, that their former education dedicated to pleasure. Already they are being admitted into scholarly organizations and into art schools, and everyone should already see that merit has no gender, and that rights cannot either. This is therefore the best possible time to call for lawmakers to pay attention to women for a moment. This is doubtless what Citizen Théremin, a man of letters favorably known for several political works, was thinking when he offered the public his new work entitled On the Condition of Women in a Republic. This work, which is the subject of this essay, has already received the praise that it deserves in several newspapers. I should no doubt rush to add mine here, but I would then be a judge in my own defense which could open myself to challenge. So before explaining my opinion of this interesting work, I am going to write a short exposé, and allow the public to decide itself about the merit of the work. By establishing a small number of clear and precise principles taken from nature, and by supporting these principles with facts and historic observations, Citizen Théremin comes out today in favor of women. First he demonstrates that from ancient times, although seemingly enjoying less domestic liberty, women nonetheless had more political liberty than ours in that they took part in government, which was even, on several occasions, placed into their care. He reminds us that under the monarchy women had still maintained a few accidental bits of this power, and, considering that a Republic is the subsequent perfecting of a monarchy, he thinks that it should be even more favorable towards women. According to the author, progress in the civilization of the human race has always brought women a greater amount of happiness. He is not content merely to state this last truth; he proves it, and shows us successively the woman as mistress in civilized France, slave for the stupid Orientals, and servant for the savage barbarians. Moving on from these examples to his argument, he successfully refutes an English philosopher by the name of Godwin who claimed that love was lost as the human race achieved a greater degree of perfection. A strange system that nature refutes at every second, and to which the English author himself does not seemingly hold to with conviction since he married Madame Walstooncraft [Mary Wollstonecraft], a woman of letters known primarily by a work on women's rights. But where Citizen Théremin really brings his opinions into the light of day it is when, after having shown that happiness only exists through the free exercise of one's faculties and that women have as much right to this happiness as men, he adds that there are two beings in women, as much as there are in men. The first is the moral being, free by its very nature, knowing only the laws of its own morality and having no gender. And the second, a physical being, dependent upon man in the same manner that man is dependent upon it. . . . First he is surprised that under the current government, which he never ceases to believe to be the most favorable toward women, no extension of their schooling or their sphere of activities has been accorded. He observes that the ability to inherit equal portions, and divorce, are almost the only points that they have won from man's freedom. He speaks against the inconsistency that judges and sentences women as men in criminal court, while they are treated as children who still require a guardian in civil court. It is as if, concurrently, women have been given the ability to distinguish right from wrong for capital crimes, and then been refused this same ability when it comes to cases that are much less important. He makes us feel how in the current state of things, contrary to all intelligence, it is absurd to claim that women should, regardless of their social status, give themselves up solely to those meticulous and servile tasks which men take pleasure in assigning them. Tasks which support a portion of them, and provide a resource without which they would be left in idleness and misery. . . . It is said that one should provide an education to the sons whose fathers died for the country. Yes, no doubt we should. But these sons, do they not have sisters? Their fathers, did they not lavish the same care upon both? Must it be that the luck of being a male or female deprive these unfortunate orphans of the help that a just and beneficent nation should share equally with all of the individuals who compose it? Must it be that so many other women who feel within themselves this competitiveness, this fire that is the source of all the great qualities and of all the great virtues, see, from childhood, these precious seeds which the fortunate development had made the apple of their family's eye and possibly the glory of their country, compromised, smothered in their hearts, by a barbarous prejudice! . . . And please don't object at this point that by educating women, they are being torn from their domestic tasks. An educated and enlightened woman will not spend the time she needs for her household and her family on her studies. This time will come from those hours that so many others spend at balls, strolls, and at idle and extravagant gatherings. Please also don't object here with that eternal refrain, always disproved by experience, that women are not born to be taught, that their eyes are too frail to withstand the light of science and art. A thousand examples handed down over the centuries are proof to the contrary. And when we no longer have to cite this irrefutable fact, the complaints that they never cease to inspire on this subject would be more than a sufficient answer. Let us be honest with ourselves . . . we all carry within us the sense of our own ability. After the turmoil of our youth, there is no reasonable being who does not place themselves in their rightful place. Nature draws the line that everyone must follow and is not content only revealing to the genius the secret of what they should undertake. Nature also sets in mediocre minds the limits of their mediocrity, and when it gives a being, any being, the constant desire to better themselves, one can boldly assume that it has also given them the means. But it is time to return to the work of Citizen Théremin, and to complete the analysis. One point was left for him to address, and that point was important: Should or should not women vote in the nation's assemblies and be allowed to work for the State? That is the question that he seems to ask, and that he resolves easily by his same principles. Recalling that, even though it has been established that women should have a moral existence that is separate and independent from man's, he has always considered that physically and individually they are dependent upon each other. Consequently, their interests are the same, and therefore husband and wife are but one political entity, even though they may be, and should be, two civil entities. The vote and political actions of one are therefore necessarily contained in those of the other. "And note this mothers and wives," he writes, "when your children and your husband deliberate in the sovereign assembly, it is for you as much as for them that they are deliberating. It is your interests as much as theirs that they are addressing. And when they pronounce a 'yes' or a 'no' on where the future of the State lies, it is your voice that echoes in the assembly." The author does not believe it necessary to justify that men have appropriated supreme power for themselves exclusively, and he certainly is right. I am pleased to echo his thoughts. Although more than one woman has exercised this power with glory, and though others, in usurping it, have justified women's audacity by their merit and success, in general women do not cite these instances of authority in order to escape the place that nature has very specially assigned them. As Citizen Théremin says extremely well, and above all most gallantly: "They exercise another kind of supremacy that men do not share with them and that they know better how to maintain, and which is not invaded as often as is men's." However, returning to his first principles, he makes it felt how much it is just and necessary to compensate women for this apparent absence in politics by tying them to the State by other means. He requests that the government employ them in public schooling and when celebrating national holidays. He would like them to be tasked with a host of functions in charity work, peacemaking, and benevolent work which are suitable with the their innate sensitivities. Finally, he ends his work with the observation that fairness requires that women be placed within reach of being able to defend their natural and inalienable rights by seating them on civil courts, where most of the issues that concern them are dealt with. A proposition so fair that it would seem inconceivable that it has not already been adopted. Sortable Date 1800-05-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Le Mois, vol. 5 (Prairial? Year VIII [May/June?, 1800]), 228–40. Description An account of the resource In this review of a book by an author favorable to women’s education, Pipelet argues that republics should demonstrate a different attitude toward women than monarchies. She restates the arguments for more education and more opportunities for women and rejects those positions that keep women in intellectual dependency and passivity. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 495 Title A name given to the resource Constance Pipelet, Review of a Book by Théremin, On the Condition of Women in a Republic Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/495/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1800 Middle Classes – Bourgeoisie Public Opinion Text Women Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Q. Why isn't she wearing the clothes appropriate for her sex? A. The trade she is in does not allow it, as women's clothes would constrain her in working. Q. On 1 Prairial [20 May 1795], wasn't she leading some women, and didn't she have an open saber in her hand? A. No. Q. On 2 Prairial, wasn't she also leading some women who went to the Convention? A. As she was going to work around 6 A.M. the day in question, she was taken there by force by some women from Faubourg Marceau. She was obliged to march with them, and she left them near the Champs-Elysées. Q. Hadn't she gone with the women to the doors of the Convention? A. No. Q. When she left the Faubourg with these women, didn't she have an unsheathed saber in her hand? A. She had a saber in her hand, but it was in its scabbard. Q. On the way, had she not drawn the saber from its scabbard? A. No. Q. At what time did she leave the women? A. She left them around 1 P.M. Q. Where did she go after she left them? A. She went to drink a pint of wine in the cabaret at the waterfront near Pont-Marie. She was with a young woman and a single girl. Q. Does she know the names of the two women? A. She doesn't. Q. Does she know where they live? A. One of them lives near the Vincennes gate. She does not know the number of the house or the Section and the other told her, while they were drinking, that she lived near the Porte-Antoine, but she doesn't know anything else about it. Q. At what time did she return to the Faubourg? A. She returned there around 5 P.M. Q. Did the women come back with her to the Faubourg? A. The married woman accompanied her to the rue de Reuilly and it was there that she left her; the other went off after they left the cabaret, and then she, the declarant, returned to her place, where she remained until the next morning. Q. Where was she on 4 Prairial? A. She left her place at 5 A.M. to go to work above the rue Montmartre, where she unloaded a wagonload of charcoal at a restaurant owner's place. Q. At what time did she return to the Faubourg? A. At 10 A.M. Q. Had she not been among the women who wanted to stir up citizens to keep the troops in the Faubourg from leaving? A. She was on the boulevard then, and she met the troops at the Porte-Denis. Q. Was she in the Faubourg at the time of the proclamation of the Convention ordering the return of the cannon, and did she not stir people up in an attempt to prevent them from being returned? A. She was walking on the Grande Rue du Faubourg, but she said nothing. Her interrogation was read back to her. She said her answers were truthful. When she was asked to sign, in accordance with the law, she stated that she didn't know how. Then we, the above-named Commissaire [Louis Gille], suspecting that the above-named Vigniot was not telling us the truth, asked Citizen Gamier, chef de brigade, residing at Grande Rue, no. 109, to come to our office so we could find out from him whether he had some information to give us concerning the above-named Vigniot. Citizen Gamier, having arrived, stated that on 1 Prairial, a citoyenne dressed as a man and whom he recognized as the one who was now in our office was at the head of the first mob of women, at least four-hundred in number, which set out for the Convention. The above-named woman, dressed as a man, marched at the front of the above-mentioned women with an open saber in her hand and was leading them. She was also wearing a three-cornered hat with a red and blue plume, and she was next to the drummer, who was beating double-time. He, the declarant, went to the head of this crowd and asked this woman dressed as a man on whose order she was marching to drumbeat. Then she, as well as the other women, shouted to him to let them pass. He does not know how she comported herself at the Convention, but he, the declarant, having been degraded by the furies that morning and dragged along, nonetheless was at the guard post at the gate of La Place d'Armes at the stated time of 7 P.M. Seeing the above-named disguised woman coming back, he ordered her arrested and brought to the guard post. He upbraided her in the sharpest tones concerning her comportment and principally about how, through her instigation, she had exposed many mothers with families and had imperiled them. After that, he, the declarant, dismissed her. . . . [Extract from the minutes of the meeting of the General Assembly of Section Montreuil on 5 Prairial:] Several members denounced a woman usually dressed as a man who worked as a charcoal carrier for being one of these [women] who incited rebellion by going into houses and, through sheer force, dragging away respectable citoyennes content to stay in their households and mistreating those who refused to march against the National Convention. The assembly decreed that the Committee of General Security be notified, and in the event that the charcoal carrier has any arms, they will be taken from her. Sortable Date 1795-06-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived From Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795, edited and translated by Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson. Copyright 1979 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press, 299–301. Description An account of the resource The police interrogated those accused of participating in the May 1795 riots. This interrogation gives a good idea of the police’s concerns. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 494 Title A name given to the resource Interrogation of a Suspected Rioter (June 1795) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/494/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1795 Popular Politics Text Women Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Section de l'Indivisibilité Denunciation against Widow Barbau, 10 Prairial, Year III [29 May 1795]. Because any citizen who is a friend of order and justice and humanity must state what he saw and heard from the monsters composing the infernal sect of Jacobin terrorists, blood-drinkers, etc., . . . I declare that the Barbau woman from the Marché Saint-Jean, in the right-hand corner, is one of these furies to be guillotined, vomited up from Hell to destroy the French human race. The role she played during the reign of the Robespierrists will bring her into the public eye. She was the secret agent and confederate of Laine, Commissaire of the former Revolutionary Committee of this Section. Moreover, she was a sister tricoteuse [knitter] in the spectator galleries of the Jacobins, known from [these affiliations] to the Revolutionary Tribunal. She said to whoever was willing to listen to her, "I have had thirty-five of them guillotined by a simple declaration, and this will not be the sum total. It wouldn't matter if someone were my best friend, I would have him guillotined if he did not think like a true Jacobin. . . ." About five or six weeks ago, at the door of Citizen Patriarche, a baker on the rue de Culture-[Ste.] Catherine, I saw and heard her making the most revolting, seditious, and bloody remarks you could imagine. She incited citizens and citoyennes to revolt, to throw their bread in the face of the Commissaires, and from there to go and fall upon the people in power. According to her account, it was they who were responsible for people's dying of hunger as much as the egotistical merchants, the former aristocrats, the rich. All who were and still are priests will not be guillotined or finished off en masse; everything will not be okay, etc. . . . She said, "They really had it in for our poor Robespierre, but in his reign, at least, one ate. For humane reasons executions took place promptly, but these people, they make us die languishing because if that kind of thing goes on we will die mad; but good patriots will get the upper hand, and if they do not, the Republic is lost." On the days which preceded 1 Prairial, I noted in her appearance and on her sinister face an extraordinary contentment. She was seen appearing late in the morning and returning very late and very excited because she believed her triumph assured. She already pointed out those whom she would have guillotined. She was often at the door of the Convent Filles-Bleues and for secret business at the door of the former Hotel Carnavalet. . . . Whenever a so-called muscadin or other well-dressed persons passed before her, she cried out pretty loudly, "There goes yet another damned one for the guillotine." There is every reason to believe that she was paid off, since no one has seen her work. She contributed no small amount to bringing on the disastrous journées of 1, 2, and 3 Prairial. On the 5th, seeing that the battle was lost, she said good-bye and moved out that same day. On my life, I will support everything stated above. [signed] Fontaine rue de Culture Ste. Catherine, no. 529 Note. On Saturday, the 4th of the month, she danced en ronde at the door of the convent. She held up a red handkerchief as a rallying sign, and she called it her favorite handkerchief, or her handkerchief of blood. Sortable Date 1795-05-29 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived From Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795, edited and translated by Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson. Copyright 1979 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press, 292–293. Description An account of the resource Once the uprising of May 1795 had been suppressed, the government set up a military tribunal, which gathered denunciations of presumed rioters. This one gives a good sense of the charges made and the kind of language used ("infernal sect of Jacobin terrorists, blood–drinkers, etc."). Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 493 Title A name given to the resource Denunciation of a Woman Participant in the Uprising of May 1795 Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/493/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 29, 1795 Popular Politics Text Women