45 10 1079 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document There are few patriots who today would say that the right cause was triumphant, and that the aristocracy is forever beaten. Where there was a king devoted to the happiness of his people and was a faithful executor of the decrees of the legislative body; where there was a legislative body fully committed to both monarchal principles and to the king; where the National Assembly and the royal family were the focus of patriotism and enlightenment . . . now there are fugitive courtiers, hunted conspirators, cabals uncovered and disgraced, and working-class ministers (or they are forced to appear as such). There have been two great and terrible lessons delivered by the Parisians to the aristocrats, and every community in the kingdom demonstrated an equal amount of effort in unraveling political and individual freedoms. Are these reasons sufficient enough to believe that the Revolution has been carried out? That a counterrevolution is impossible? That would be a fatal error, a dangerous belief! The aristocracy again rises with a superb disguise. The barbarous gaiety that comes from being sure of a quick revenge has been replaced by the tears that we had attributed to a belated repentant, and from us spilled a then-powerless rage. Citizens! Let us count our enemies, gauge their resources and see if that does not give us several reasons to keep on our guard. The nobles have to recover all of the benefits of an abusive regime where their name alone swept away merit, virtue, talent, and even justice. The clerics are forced to sell off their immense assets that had provided them with much credit and many pleasures. The magistrates are stripped of their titles as legislators, defenders of the people, and advisers of kings. The judges see the end to this judicial tyranny that, down to the smallest village, was so beneficial to their wealth and so flattering to their vanity. The money lenders can no longer hope to continue their atrocious business. Financiers have no doubt that their businesses will be suppressed. The infinite number of the breed known as clerks does not mean that there remains the resources for them to take on a useful profession. Add to this so impressive a group of anti-patriots, those that never do anything but what pleases them, those who have no homeland, and who cannot have one, and you will have an idea of the army of enemies that the state holds within its breast. But this is merely the body of the army, it has leaders. Where are they? Does it need saying? In part they are in the National Assembly, for which, through treacherous tactics, they fetter or corrupt the deliberations. If we are not in agreement on the way to do right, at least they are not any more in agreement on how to do wrong. But if some scheming, persuasive, deceptive mind came and unified them, or at least made them act in a uniform manner (although for a different goal), the least misfortune that we have to fear is a war . . . a civil war. Bankruptcy would be the inevitable conclusion to a civil war. Commerce and agriculture, both of which are already stagnant, would be destroyed. For the next century authority would be in convulsion and the people in agony before the complicated wheels of government of the old regime would once again be in working order. Liberty, that spark that glinted in our eyes, would, from time to time, light fires that we would only be able to extinguish by the spilling of blood. The aristocrats would not enjoy any of the advantages that established norms assured them they possessed. They would have to fight endlessly for them with brandished swords. Finally, in the place of a popular anarchy, which by its nature would be short since the majority are interested in order, we would have an aristocratic anarchy. This would be a hundred times worse than the autocratic regime, and would last until the current generation would be able to forget everything it had learned in the past three months, or had given way to another generation. Sortable Date 1789-11-21 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Révolutions de Paris, no. 19 (21 November 1789), 2–3. Description An account of the resource This 1789 article from the Révolutions de Paris, a leading radical newspaper, argues that the Revolution has not been achieved, because all of the changes to date could still be reversed. Moreover, it warns that "anti–patriots"—"nobles" in the National Assembly and "aristocrats" in the royal ministry—would like to do just that by starting a "civil war." To prevent this, it calls on civic–minded readers of the newspaper to follow vigilantly the doings of the assembly. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 409 Title A name given to the resource Aristocratic Values Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/409/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 21, 1789 Counterrevolution Nobility Text The Terror Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Paris Wednesday, 5 December 1792 This evening the Jacobins broke the bust of Mirabeau in their hall on the motion of Robespierre that this "execution" was carried out just as it was on his motion that the honors of the Pantheon were given to Mirabeau. Pétion reproached Robespierre for this on the same day in the presence of the writer of this article. "It is true that I despise Mirabeau," replied Robespierre, "but the Sections [of Paris] have asked that he have this honor and I have to be the instrument of the people." This accurately describes Robespierre and the flexibility of his "popular conscience". . . . This is how demagogues pay homage to popular idols in order to please their constituents, and then shatter those same idols in order to take their places. In any case, Robespierre could evict Mirabeau from the Pantheon without worrying, for no one will ever retaliate against him. While the Jacobins were in the mood to break things, they also broke the bust of Hélvetius. Several honorable members asked if he was a member of Girondin faction . . . [he was not, but] he was a philosopher, which amounts to the same thing. Sortable Date 1792-12-06 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Le Patriote français, no. 1213 (6 December 1792), 647. Description An account of the resource The passage below, excerpted from the newspaper the French Patriot of 6 December 1792, is hostile to Robespierre. It suggests Robespierre’s appreciation for the importance of political symbolism, in calling for the smashing of Mirabeau’s bust, and it reveals his interest in retaining popular adherents, evident in his support for the transportation of Mirabeau’s remains out of the Pantheon. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 408 Title A name given to the resource Critics of Robespierre Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/408/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 6, 1792 Popular Politics Public Opinion Text The Terror Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Marat's Impeachment and Triumph The crime absolved and crowned, the audacious offender of every law is carried in triumph through the very sanctuary of the law, a respectable sanctuary soiled by the collection of impure drunken men and women of ill-fame . . . a worthy procession for the triumphant Marat. These are the events of the day, a day of mourning for all virtuous men and for all the friends of liberty! . . . It isn't worth discussing Marat's indictment seriously. They were in a hurry to finish the matter so they finished by acquitting him. This was followed by much cheering, loud applause, and a civic crowning of Marat. Two municipal officers wearing sashes grabbed hold of him and led him into the streets. He was followed by a large band of fervent admirers who proclaimed him to be "The father of the People." He was taken to the Convention where Danton prevented Lasource from closing the session. The procession entered the hall and took over the seats of a large number of deputies who had withdrawn. Marat was carried to the podium and delivered a half-modest, half-triumphant speech. Danton says that all this amounted to a good day and everyone left. Sortable Date 1793-04-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Le Patriote français, no. 1351 (April 1793), 461–2. Description An account of the resource A leading voice on behalf of greater popular participation and for social policies that would benefit the poor, the journalist Jean–Paul Marat used his radical newspaper The Friend of the People to criticize moderation. On 12 April 1793, the Girondins introduced into the Convention a measure condemning him, but the Jacobins, led by Georges Danton, defended him and used the occasion to portray the Girondins as enemies of liberty and the Republic. In the excerpt below, we see the Girondin view of the matter. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 407 Title A name given to the resource Marat’s Impeachment Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/407/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1793 Laws Popular Politics Sans-culottes Text The Terror Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document History will be hard pressed to describe the insolent imprecations of a crowd of misfits in the sections calling loudly for disorder and extermination. They created the council of the Commune, from where everything that extravagance and human deprivation could imagine as most vile and atrocious poured out everyday against the citizens of Paris who had any means of existence whatsoever. They fought there, hitting each other with chairs, but never coming to final blows. These wretches, after a few debates between themselves, reunited to make the Convention victorious. All of their secret meetings tended to perpetuate revolutionary atrocities. The petitions that originated in these secret meetings were so ridiculous and so seditious that Isnard, President of the Convention, strained and exhausted by the din of the sections, declared in the name of France that if anyone attempted to question the inviolability of the Convention amidst the citizens of Paris, then someday someone would come to the banks of the Seine looking for the site where this city once existed. You cannot image the roar that arose from all the conspirators at this strongly worded statement. From then on, no other words were heard in Paris except "The Convention wants to destroy the capital." The Jacobins seemed to share the fury of the people in the sections. Hébert became the patriot par excellence, a good magistrate. Marat's halo shone even more. The Commission of Twelve was dissolved, and that served as the signal for total anarchy. Fearful, Garat, the Minister of the Interior, sided with these villains, affirming that all was calm and that no conspiracy existed. . . and all the while daggers were being sharpened! Hébert, had been released from prison, which was a real triumph for this group of seditionists, and a sure harbinger of the death, or banishment, of his enemies. When he arrived, the lower classes showered him with coronets and civic awards that he took and modestly draped over the busts of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Brutus. . . . After having arrested three of four seditionists charged with crimes, the Commission of Twelve was covered with disgrace, the majority of its members dragged to the scaffold, and the others escaping death only by hiding in caverns, in the woods, or fleeing to a foreign country. The revolution of 31 May [–2 June 1793] avenged a hoard of killers. There were always three or four foreigners, and as many crooks, among the audacious commissioners of the sections, ever ready to declare that Paris was in a state of insurrection against tyranny. All of Paris was under arms, but without knowing for what reason. Municipal sashes were seen all through the faubourgs, or inviting them to march in the name of the sovereign people. [Commander of the National Guard] Hanriot had cannons moved here, there, and everywhere. The cannons were moved, brought back, and brought out again the next day when the Mountain section, screaming and shouting, had decreed that the sections of Paris had earned the recognition of their countrymen. To play such games on such a day was certainly a sad display, but it was to become an never-ending source of terrible calamities for all of France. With all the inhabitants of a city as enormous as Paris called to arms, the Commune then had the audacity to overrun all authority, and after having given it a try, became, to everyone's great surprise, a formidable power. The Mountain section then became advisors to the Commune . . . . They only came to the Convention to betray it and dissolve it, and what was even worse, to slander it, in that they had compelled the Convention itself to praise the 31st of May in such a way that the departments, forever being fooled, were in total ignorance of what was going on in Paris. Sortable Date 1798-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Louis-Sébastien Mercier, Le Nouveau Paris, 6 vols. (Paris: Fuchs, Ch. Pougens et Ch. Fr. Cramer, Libraires, 1798–99), 1:129–32. Description An account of the resource With the founding of the Republic, the forty–eight sectional assemblies of Paris declared themselves in "permanent session" so they could exercise constant vigilance over the Convention and over political events in general. In addition to their local administrative and judicial powers, the sections served as important forums for radical voices, such as Hébert and Marat. Those in the sections spoke of themselves as sans–culottes ("without breeches") and considered themselves the most committed and sincere revolutionaries of all—and thus responsible for ensuring the virtue and patriotism of all others. To this end, the sections planned the great "journées" (day–long demonstrations), such as that of 31 May–2 June, designed to pressure the Commune and Convention to adopt ever more radical positions and thus to push the Revolution forward. In this article from his periodical The New Paris, Louis–Sébastien Mercier describes the sections with a mixture of mockery (of their self–importance) and respect (of their power to mobilize the people). Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 406 Title A name given to the resource Mercier, The New Paris: "Sections" Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/406/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1798 Clubs Popular Politics Sans-culottes Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 3 August 1792 A delegation from Saint-Marcel came to request to be allowed to march under arms to the National Assembly with their brothers from the Faubourg Saint-Antoine next Sunday, the 5th of this month. Based on the unanimous agreement of all citizens making up the sectional assembly it was decreed: 1. That they would assemble with the citizens of the Faubourg Saint-Marcel promptly at nine o'clock in the morning on the Place de la Bastille; 2. That the drums would beat general quarters in the morning; 3. That the appointed commissioners would inform the other forty-seven sections, which would be asked to send notice of their wishes to the Assembly tomorrow evening, inviting them to assemble and conduct an armed march together. Citizens Desequelle and Huguenin have been appointed this task. 4. It has tasked citizens Duclos, Carré, Menant, and Leduc to teach their brothers The Marseillais and to invite them to join with them under arms. 4 August 1792 The Assembly sensed that the views of the mayor, as well as of those officers he sent to the assembly, were fair and decided that it would rescind yesterday's decision about tomorrow. The Assembly has decided to wait patiently and peaceably, and to keep a close watch until next Thursday at eleven o'clock in the evening, when it will announce its decision. However, if the legislative body fails to be just and fair with the people prior to Thursday at eleven o'clock in the evening, then at midnight they will sound the alarm and the drums will beat general quarters and everyone will rise up as one. 9 August 1792 ~It was decided that in order to save our country we would act upon a proposal by a member of the Paris section. This consisted of naming three commissioners per section who would join the commune and notify us of ways to promptly save the State, and that we would only take orders from the assembled commissioners from a majority of the assembled sections. Rossignol, Huguenin, and Balin were appointed to represent the Quinze-Vingts section. Then we heard the alarm sounded, and at that moment the Assembly went into permanent session. Afterwards, a letter arrived from Rossignol, one of the commissioners in the city hall, requesting that the alarm be delayed until the commissioners who had come together from the sections had taken the steps necessitated by the circumstances. A member proposed having the battalion assemble under arms, and the assembly, in the person of its president, ordered the second-in-command of said battalion to have it march to where our country's defenders were needed. [signed] Miette, secretary. Sortable Date 1792-08-03 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Philippe-Joseph-Benjamin Buchez and Prosper-Charles Roux, Histoire parlementaire de la Révolution Française (Paulin: Paris, 1834–38), 16:403–8. Description An account of the resource In late July and early August 1792, amid ongoing rancor over the King’s role in the government and fears that he would betray the nation to the invading Prussians, various Parisian sections began petitioning for Louis to be deposed. In the text below, the radical "Section of the 300" decides to join with other sections in a demonstration being organized against the King. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 405 Title A name given to the resource Proceedings of the Quinze–Vingts Section Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/405/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource August 3, 1792 Clubs Popular Politics Public Opinion Sans-culottes Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Session of Sunday, 19 May 1793.A deputation from the Cordeliers Club and the citoyennes ofthe Revolutionary Society of Women is admitted. The oratorannounces a petition drawn up by the members of these twosocieties Joined together and reads this petition, the substance ofwhich is as follows:"Representatives of the people, the country is in the mostimminent danger; if you want to save it, the most energetic measuresmust be taken. . . . " (Noise)."I demand," the orator cries out, "the fullest attention."Calm is restored.He continues: If not, the people will save themselves. You are notunaware that the conspirators are awaiting only the departure of thevolunteers, who are going to fight our enemies in the Vendée,to immolate the patriots and everything they cherish most. To preventthe execution of these horrible projects, hasten to decree thatsuspect men will be placed under arrest immediately, thatrevolutionary tribunals will be set up in all the Departments and inthe Sections of Paris.For a long while the Brissots, the Gaudets, the Vergniauds, theGensonnes, the Buzots, the Barbarouxes, etc., have been pointed outas being the general staff of the counterrevolutionary army. Why doyou hesitate to issue charges against them? Criminals are not sacredanywhere.Legislators, you cannot refuse the French people this great act ofjustice. That would be to declare yourselves their accomplices; thatwould be to prove that several among you fear the light which thetrial investigation of these suspect members would cause toflash.We ask that you establish in every city revolutionary armies composed of sans-culottes, proportional in size to the population; that the army of Paris be increased to forty thousand men, paid at the expense of the rich at a rate of forty sous a day. We ask that in all public places workshops be set up where iron be converted into all kinds of weapons.Legislators, strike out at the speculators, the hoarders, and the egotistical merchants. A horrible plot exists to cause the people to die of hunger by setting an enormous price on goods. At the head of this plot is the mercantile aristocracy of an insolent caste, which wants to assimilate itself to royalty and to hoard all riches by forcing up the price of goods of prime necessity in order to satisfy its cupidity. Exterminate all these scoundrels; the Fatherland will be rich enough if it is left with the sans-culottes and their virtues. Legislators! Come to the aid of all unfortunate people. This is the call of nature; this is the vow of true patriots. Our heart is torn by the spectacle of public misery. Our intention is to raise men up again; we do not want a single unfortunate person in the Republic. Purify the Executive Council; expel a Gohier, a Garat, a Le Brun, etc.; renew the directory of the postal service and all corrupted administrations, etc.A large number of people, the orator cries out, must bear thisaddress to the Convention. What! Patriots are still sleeping and arebusy with insignificant discussions while perfidious journals openlyprovoke the people! We will see whether our enemies will dare showthemselves opposed to measures on which the happiness of a republicdepends.The President. The Society hears with the keenest satisfaction theaccents of the most ardent patriotism; it will second your effortswith all its courage, for it has the same principles, and it hasevinced the same opinion. Whatever the means and the efforts of ourenemies, liberty will not perish because there will remain forever inthe heart of Frenchmen this sentiment that insurrection is theultimate reason of the people. (Applauded.) Sortable Date 1793-05-19 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived From Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795, edited and translated by Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson. Copyright 1979 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press, 150 - 151. Description An account of the resource Popular clubs in Paris, unlike electoral assemblies, were not limited to men, at least in the early months of the Republic. One of the most active and radical clubs composed entirely of women, the Society of Revolutionary Republican Women, collaborated with the Cordeliers and Jacobins in petitioning for aggressive action by the government against what they called "enemies of the Republic,"meaning Girondin deputies, "aristocratic" landowners, "hoarding"peasants, and unpatriotic "speculators," all of whom were accused of placing short–term personal interest and profit over the general goodof all citizens.In the first weeks following the formation of the Society of Revolutionary Republican Women, the Society’s members cemented advantageous working alliances with well–established, influential revolutionary organizations that shared their demand for a systematic politics of terror against enemies of the Republic—Girondins, aristocrats, hoarders, speculators. Exploiting its members’ earlier affiliations with the Cordeliers Club, delegates joined forces with members of that club and formed a joint deputation to the all–powerful Jacobin Society. In this way, nine days after its formation, the society was able to publicize its petition recapitulating the tactics and goals of terror. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 404 Title A name given to the resource Women at the Cordeliers Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/404/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 19, 1793 Clubs Popular Politics Sans-culottes Text Women Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Police Report on a Session of the Cordelier Club 24 Ventôse Year II (16 March 1794) At the opening of the session, a member demanded that those Cordeliers who would be missing a session while the Club was in continuous session should be expelled from the society. This motion was vigorously opposed and defeated. . . . On all sides people asked for correspondence to be read out, but none had arrived. A member who just happened to have Saint-Just's latest report in his pocket mounted the rostrum and read it. This kept the society busy for an hour. Next it was announced that the caretaker had received letters addressed to Vincent. The society had them brought in and decided that a deputation should take them to the Public Prosecutor. . . . The society had only closed its permanent session because several of its members had been arrested, and since no speaker had introduced the topic, the decision was postponed, and there would be sessions only on normal days. Session closed at 9:30. Observations The habitués of the gallery, i.e., those who occupy the front benches, said nothing. They no longer spoke of rescuing the arrested members from prison. The other people in the gallery said openly that the Père Duchesne and the others were knaves who deserved the guillotine. They rejoiced in anticipation of the moment when they would see them suffer. These demonstrations of joy can be found among the whole people of Paris: in the markets; on the street corners; everywhere, they say the same. This desire to see the conspirators punished proves how attached the people are to liberty. They regret that there is no more rigorous form of execution than the guillotine. They say that something should be invented to make them suffer longer. Condemnation is general. The day before yesterday several people took up their defense, but yesterday they were afraid to declare their possible innocence. Sortable Date 1794-03-16 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived W. Markov and Albert Soboul, Die Sanculotten von Paris Dokumente zur Geschichte ver Voksbewegung (1957), no. 69. Description An account of the resource In the passage below, a police observer of a Cordelier Club meeting notes the ongoing concern of the participants to identify and then to denounce "conspiracies" against the republic, even when the conspitators had been very recently integral to the club. In this case, the focus is on Hébert, editor of the Père Duchesne. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 403 Title A name given to the resource Police Report on a Session of the Cordeliers Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/403/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 16, 1794 Clubs Popular Politics Sans-culottes Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document August 17th. The hall in which the Jacobins meet, is fitted up nearly in the same style with that of the National Assembly. The tribune, or pulpit from which the members speak, is opposite to that in which the president is seated: there is a table for the secretaries and galleries for a large audience of both sexes, in the one as in the other. Men are appointed, who walk through the hall to command, or rather solicit, silence when the debate becomes turbulent at the club of Jacobins, in the same manner as the huissiers do at the National Assembly, and usually with as little effect: the bell of the president, and voices of the huissiers, are equally disregarded in stormy debates at both Assemblies. I have been told that some of the most distinguished members in point of talent and character, have lately with drawn from this society, and that it is not now on such a respectable footing as it has been. Robespierre, who was a member of the Constituent Assembly, and of course cannot be of the present, has great sway in the club of Jacobins, by which means his influence in the Assembly, and in the common council of Paris, is very considerable. There was not, properly speaking, a debate at the Jacobins to-day, but rather a series of violent speeches against him. I understand indeed, that of late the speakers are generally of one opinion; for Robespierre's partisans raise such a noise when any one attempts to utter sentiments opposite to what he is known to maintain, that the voice of the speaker is drowned, and he is obliged to yield the tribune to another orator whose doctrine is more palatable. There were abundance of women in the galleries; but as there were none in the body of the hall where the members are seated, I was surprised to see one enter and take her seat among them: she was dressed in a kind of English riding-habit, but her jacket was the uniform of the national guards. On enquiry, I was informed that the name of this amazon is Mademoiselle Theroigne: she distinguished herself in the action of the 10th, by rallying those who fled, and attacking a second time at the head of the Marseillois. She seems about one or two and thirty, is somewhat above the middle size of women, and has a smart martial air, which in a man would not be disagreeable. I walked home about nine: the night was uncommonly dark, my way lay across the Carousel, along the Pont Royal to the fauxbourg St. Germain. I have frequently come the same way alone from the Caffé de Foy in the Palais Royal after it was dark. I never was attacked, nor have I heard of a single street robbery, or house-breaking, since I have been in Paris. This seems to me very remarkable, in the ungovernable state in which Paris may be supposed to be since the 10th of this month. Sortable Date 1791-08-17 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Moore, Mordaunt: Sketches of Life, Characters and Manners in Various Countries, including the Memoirs of a French Lady (London: 1800). Description An account of the resource An observer of Jacobin club meetings in 1791, in the passage below, describes somewhat disorderly debates, in which speakers are shouted down from the rostrum and women participate openly. This is indicative of what this author sees as the "ungovernable" situation in Paris. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 402 Title A name given to the resource Women at the Jacobins Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/402/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource August 17, 1791 Clubs Popular Politics Text Women Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document At night, Monsieur Decretot and Monsieur Blin carried me to the revolution club at the Jacobins. . . . There were above one hundred deputies present, with a president in the chair; I was handed to him, and announced as the author of the Arithmetique Politique; the president standing up repeated my name to the company and demanded if there were any objections—None; and this is all the ceremony, not merely of an introduction but an election: for I was told that now I was free to be present when I pleased, being a foreigner. Ten or a dozen other elections were made. In this club the business that is to be brought into the National Assembly is regularly debated; the motions are read that are intended to be made there, and rejected or corrected and approved. When these have been fully agreed to, the whole party are engaged to support them. Plans of conduct are there determined; proper persons nominated for being of committees, and presidents of the Assembly named. And I may add that such is the majority of numbers, that whatever passes in this club is almost sure to pass in the Assembly. Arthur Young. [Jan. 17, 1790.] Sortable Date 1790-01-07 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Arthur Young, Travels in France and Italy (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1934), 320–21. Description An account of the resource The Englishman Arthur Young, who was in France during the early stages of the Revolution, recorded his observations. In this letter from mid–January 1790, he describes a Jacobin club meeting, which he depicts as being highly procedural in nature as it elects new leaders. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 401 Title A name given to the resource Activities of the Jacobins Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/401/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource January 7, 1790 Clubs Popular Politics Text The Terror Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document THE Society will be dedicated to spreading truth, defending freedom and the constitution. Its methods will be as honorable as its objectives and openness will be the guarantor of all its initiatives. For anyone wishing to be admitted to these societies, the primary laws will be fidelity to the constitution and a willingness to defend it, as well as, respect and submission to the powers that it establishes. Qualifications for entry will be, above all, the love of equality and a deep feeling for the rights of man as made evident by the instinct to protect the weak and oppressed. Sortable Date 1790-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Alphonse Aulard, La Société des Jacobins: Recueil de documents pour l'histoire du Club des Jacobins de Paris, 6 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1889–97), 1:xi. Description An account of the resource In contrast to Le Chapelier’s fears that all clubs, even the Jacobins, actually subverted the political process, the Jacobins saw themselves as ensuring the proper functioning of the constitution and allowing full participation by patriotic citizens in the political process, as seen in this excerpt from the club’s rules drawn up in 1790. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 400 Title A name given to the resource Rules of the Jacobins Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/400/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1790 Clubs Popular Politics Text