52 10 1079 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Roster of Membership in the Society of Friends of Blacks, 1789 Officers: The Marquis of Condorcet, President Mr. de Gramagnac, Secretary Mr. Dufossey de Bréban, Treasurer Members of the Committee Misters: Brissot de Warville E. Claviere Brack Duchesnay Dufossey de Bréban De Bourge De Montcloux De Blaire De Petitval The Duke of la Rochefoucault The Duke of Charost The Marquis of Condorcet De Gramagnac Cuchet De Pastoret GalloisRoster of Membership in the Society of Friends of Blacks, by order of their entry: Misters: Brissot de Warville, rue d'Amboise, nº. 10. E. Claviere, Administrator of the Royal Life Insurance Company, rue d'Amboise, nº. 10. The Marquis of Beaupoil Saint-Aulaire, at the Temple. Brack, General Director for Trade, rue de Grammont, nº. 2. Cerisier, Bourbonnois. Duchesnay, Royal Censor, rue des Bernardins, nº. 37. Nicholas Bergasse, rue de Carême-prenant. The Marquis of Valady, London. Dufossey de Bréban, Director of Government Oversight, rue de Grammont, nº. 19. De Bourge, rue des Filles du Calvaire, nº. 16. The Marquise of Baussans, Place Royale. The Marquis of la Fayette, rue de Bourbon, nº. 81. J. J. Clavière, Merchant, rue Coq-héron, Parliament of England. Roman, Merchant, rue Coq-héron, Parliament of England. De Montcloux, son, Farmer General, rue S. Honorée, nº. 341. De Montcloux de la Villeneuve, Councilor to the Cour des Aides, rue S. Honoré, nº. 341. De Blaire, Councilor to the Cour des Aides, rue Buffaut, near the Barrière Cadet. Madame Poivre, rue Feydeau, nº. 22. De Trudaine, Councilor to the Parlement of Paris, rue des Francs-Bourgeois, nº. 39. De Trudaine de la Sablière, Councilor to the Parlement of Paris, rue des France-Bourgeois, nº. 39. Malartic de Fonda, Petition Judge, Passage des Petits-Pères, nº. 7. Le Roi de Petitval, General Manager, Passage des Petits-Pères, nº. 7. The Abbot Colin, Presbetary of Saint-Eustache. Du Rouvray, Ireland. The Duke of la Rochefoucault, rue de Seine Faubourg Saint-Germain, nº. 42. The Duke of Charost, rue de Bourbon, nº. 70. Short, First Secretary of the Embassy of the United States, near the Grille de Chaillot. De Pilles, former Tax Collector, rue de Grammont, nº. 19. The Marquis of Condorcet, Permanent Secretary to the Academy of Science, Member of the Academie Française, Hôtel de la Monnoie. Charton de la Terrière, America. Kornman, rue Carême-prenant. Blot, Gold inspector, Lyon. Esmangard, son, Counselor to the Parlement of Paris, rue des Capucines, nº. 22. Dieres, Counselor to the Cour des Aides, rue Jacob. Des Faucherets, rue de Paradis. Gramagnac, M.D., Hôtel de Lussan, rue de Croix des Petits-Champs. Lanthenas, M.D., rue Thevenot, nº. 31. Bérand, rue Mêlée, nº. 12. The Count of Coustard Saint-Lô, rue Nôtre-Dame des Victoires, nº. 31. Du Vaucel, Farmer General, rue neuve des Mathurins, nº. 1. The Duke of Llavré, rue de Bourbon, nº. 72. The Bishop of Chartres, Chartres. Cuchet, Bookseller, rue Serpente. Gallois, Attorney to Parlement, rue des petits-Augustins, nº. 24. The Marquis of Mons, rue neuve des Petits-Champs, nº. 26. The Abbot Guyot, Provost of Saint Martin of Tours, rue Traversière, nº. 35. Pigot, Geneva. The Baron Dietrick, rue Poissonière. Lavoisier, Farmer General, at the Arsenal. Bergerot, Director of Farms, hôtel des Fermes. Biderman, Merchant, Brussels. De Pastoret, Petition Judge, rue des Capucines, nº. 74. Cottin son, Banker, Chaussée d'Antin, nº. 6. The Count of Avaux, rue S. Dominique, nº. 49. D'Audignac, Director of Public Services, rue de Choiseul. The Count of la Cépede, Jardin du Roi. Munier de Montengis, Hôtel Royal des Invalides. Madame Clavière, rue d'Amboise, nº. 10. The Chevalier of Boussiers, hôtel de Rohan, rue de Varenne. Gougenot, General Collector for Public Services, rue de Choiseul. Petry, Director of Fermes, hôtel de Longueville, rue S. Niçaise. De Saint-Alphonse, General Farmer, rue S. Honoré, nº. 423. Fortin, rue de Choiseul. Henry, Attorney to Parlement, rue S. Jean-de-Beauvais. The Count of Crillon, Place de Louis XV. The Prince Emmanuel de Salm, rue de Grenelle, faubourg S. Germain, nº. 231. The Duchess of la Rochefoucault, rue de Seine, faubourg S. Germain. Duport, Counselor to Parlement, rue du Grand-Chantier, nº. 2. Segretier. The Marquise of La Fayette, rue de Bourbon, nº. 81. Soufflot, Building Inspector of Sainte Géneviève, Saint Géneviève. Agasse de Cresne, rue Pavée S. André-des-Arts, nº. 12. Servat, Official of the City of Bordeaux, Boulevard Montmorency, across from the Pavilion. Croharé, rue de la Comédie Française, at the corner of the rue des Cordeliers. The Count of Valence, rue Chaussée d'Antin, nº. 70. Hocquart de Tremilly, Attorney General of the Cour des Aides, rue Neuve des Petits-Champs, nº. 71. The Count Charles de Lameth, cul-de-sac Nôtre-Dame-des-Champs. The Chevalier Alexandre de Lameth, same address. The Chevalier Théodore de Lameth, same address. The Marquis of le Chatelet, hôtel de Brissac, quai des Théatins. The Prince of Leon, hôtel de la Rochefoucault, rue de Seine. The Count of Rochechouart, rue de Grenelle, faubourg S. Germain, nº. 99. Molliens, First Assistant of Finance, rue de la Michaudière. Bergon, First Assistant of Finance, rue de la Michaudière. De Sannois, Farmer General, hôtel des Fermes. The Viscount of Ricey. The Count of Gouvernet, rue de Verneuil, nº. 50. Benoît de Lamothe, Deputy Chief of Accounting for Public Services, rue neuve Saint Eustache, nº. 21. The Chevalier of Léaumur, rue Thérèse, nº. 1. Leroy de Camilly, Paymaster of Annuities, rue S. Marc, nº. 23. Dupleix de Mezy, Attorney to Parlement, rue des petites Ecuries du Roi. Vallou de Villeneuve, Deputy Chief of Public Services, rue S. Joseph. The Marquis of la Feuillade, rue des Marais. De Meulan, General Collector of Finance, rue de Clichy.Associated Foreigners The Abbot Piatoli, boulevard de Richelieu, care of Princess Lubormiska. Sortable Date 1789-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Jacques-Pierre Brissot, Tableau des Membres de la Société des Amis des Noirs (Paris: 1789), 1–8. Description An account of the resource Jacques Brissot founded the Society of the Friends of Blacks in 1788 to agitate against the slave trade and slavery itself. Brissot modeled the Society on the London Committee for the Abolition of the Slave Trade established in 1787. He hoped that the groups might cooperate in an international effort to eliminate the slave trade. The French society, knowing that the colonial and commercial interests invested in slavery still exercised great power, cautiously advanced its proposals. This caution was well–founded, since some deputies faced personal attacks in the streets of Paris for their unpopular views. As the roster shows, the society included many leading intellectuals, politicians, and even aristocrats. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 339 Title A name given to the resource Roster of Membership in the Society of Friends of Blacks, 1789 Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/339/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1789 Clubs Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document JOURNAL, Containing the Complaints, Grievances, and Claims of the Free-citizens and colored landowners of the French Islands and Colonies: Article I. The inhabitants of the French colonies are exclusively and generally divided into two classes, Freemen and those who are born, and live, in slavery. Article II. The class of Freemen includes not only all the Whites, but also all of the colored Creoles, the Free Blacks, Mulattos, small minorities, and others. Article III. The freed Creoles, as well as their children and their descendants, should have the same rights, rank, prerogatives, exemptions, and privileges as other colonists. Article IV. For that purpose, the colored Creoles request that the Declaration of the Rights of Man, decreed by the National Assembly, be applied to them, as it is to Whites. Therefore, it is requested that Articles LVII and LIX of the Edict [the Black Code] dated March 1685, be rewritten and carried out in accordance with their form and content. Article. V. With disregard for the law, humiliating distinctions have been made until now between White men and men of color, in whichever class Nature may have placed them. To bring an end to these distinctions, resolutions must be taken that irrevocably set the respective rights and claims of those Citizens who oppress, and those who are oppressed. Article. VI. Consequently, the National Assembly shall be requested to declare: That Negroes and colored Creoles shall be admitted, concurrently with Whites, to all ranks, positions, responsibilities, dignities, and honors. In a word, they want to share with Whites the difficult and honorable roles of Civil government and Military service; That in order to achieve this, they shall have access to the courts. Additionally, they shall be eligible to attain, not only the highest ranks of the Judiciary, but it would also be just that they have the freedom to fulfill the secondary roles. These functions would include: solicitor, public notary, state prosecutor, court clerk, bailiff, and any other function, regardless of title, either in France or in the Colonies. That they shall be promoted equally with their class peers, and may try for all military positions and responsibilities, such that their color can no longer be a reason for exclusion. That the Companies of Volunteers, Negroes, Mulattos, and small minorities, confused one with another and mixed together, shall cease as a pretext to create a distinction which should not exist between free men. That from this day on, they shall be indiscriminately made up of Whites and men of Color, without, under any pretext, the latter being excluded. . . . 8. That the priesthood, sciences, arts, professions, in a word, all of the trades, shall be accessible to citizens of color, as, to date, they have been reserved for Whites. 9. That there shall be established in the different colonies public grade schools and high schools in which Creoles of color, and even free Blacks or their children, are admitted concurrently with Whites, without any preference or any kind of predilection. . . . Article VIII. This article shall be replaced by a disposition that simultaneously consecrates the dignity of man, the honor and safety of women slaves, their rights and the rights of their children. For that purpose, explicit interdictions and punishments shall be given to all Citizen slave-owners of either sex and either White or of color. They shall be forbidden, under penalty, to live as husband and wife, or even cohabit in any way with their slaves. When proof of this is obtained, a fine of 1000 livres shall be given to the poor, and the slave with whom the master had lived shall be granted absolute freedom. Article IX. These same restrictions shall apply to any free man and a female slave belonging to any other citizen. Article X. In the case that Article VIII or IX above is breached by Free men who have cohabited with Slaves and escaped punishment heretofore indicated and who have one or more children from the cohabitation, the woman, by the sole fact of being pregnant, and the children, at the instant of their birth, shall be and shall remain free, and be masters of their own person and of their rights. . . . Article XXII. Article VI of the Edict of 1724 forbids, as being against Natural laws, religion and civil liberties, and even contradictory to Article IX of the Edict of 1685, Whites of either sex from entering into a contract of marriage with Blacks. The National Assembly shall also be requested to revoke this, and to leave, to Whites as well as to Blacks, the freedom of being united by the bonds of Matrimony. Sortable Date 1789-09-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Cahiers, contenant les plaintes, Doleances, et reclamations des citoyens-libre et proprietaires de couleur, des isles et colonies Françaises (Paris, 1789). Description An account of the resource The free blacks and mulattos, many of them substantial property owners and slaveholders, sent delegates to the National Assembly in France with a list of their stated grievances and demands. This list of grievances—modeled on those sent from the various districts of France in the spring of 1789—demonstrates the power of the idea of rights but also the particular concerns of those living in the colonies; the free blacks wanted freedom and rights for themselves but assume the continuance of slavery. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 338 Title A name given to the resource Grievance List (September 1789) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/338/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September 1789 Popular Politics Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document When one speaks of any class of description whatsoever of the human race, it must be understood that he speaks in general terms, which admit of various and numerous exceptions. It is in those deceptions, that great accomplishments and great defects, that great virtues and great vices, are only found. Thus, generally speaking, the negroe is not perhaps the worst species of the human race. He is an animal rational in a middle degree; tolerably good, because he is docile and timid, and because he never thinks of a better condition than what he actually enjoys, unless the thought, as well as the means of attaining, is forced upon his observation. He is little capable of actual gratitude and solid attachment; but he is endowed with a general vague notion of right and wrong; and, as he is exceedingly jealous of what he supposes to be his due, chiefly of what has been promised to him, he is pretty well inclined to do what he knows to be his duty. Besides, he has all the defects of people of the lowest class; he perverts every thing to gratify his sloth, lust and gluttony, and, under these predicaments, he will be found an impudent liar. He is exceedingly attentive, and has sufficient skill to lay hold of every remission of discipline, to turn to his own advantage the weaknesses and examples of his matter. He is imitative and apish, as the rest of the human race; and, as such, rather exerts himself to attain the evil, which presents more present and palpable enjoyments, than the good, the benefits of which are, unfortunately, almost always more abstruse and remote. In a physical view, he is strong and robust, bears fatigue with hardiness, is little liable to distempers, as he is calculated by nature, and improved by habit to be the inhabitant of a warm climate. Such, nearly and in a general view, is that creature whom we are forced to keep in his natural state of thraldom, in order to obtain from him the requisite services; because it is now proved by experience, more decisively than by speculative reasonings, that, under a different condition, he would not labour, unless to remove actual wants, which are few and small in the West Indies. Here, let the philanthropic imprudent speculator view the present situation of things, correct his system, and profess contrition for the incalculable mischief he has done, in the republican parts of St. Domingo. But no more of this subject. It is necessary, then, to turn this our property to the best account. We must exact from the negroe all the work he can reasonably perform, and use every means to prolong his life. If interest directs the first, humanity enjoins the second, and here they both go hand in hand. Happy accord! the consciousness of which forms the whole philosophical and political system of the planter; all the magic of the supreme power of one chief, and of that entire submission of the many, which would still have submitted unimpaired in this island, had not the fatal French revolution introduced principles, incompatible with the condition of the country (a). In order to make the best of the powers of the negro, and to keep him in subjection, chastisement is unfortunately sometimes necessary. Such also is the case with soldiers, with sailors, and with all servile classes of men. But, that his life may be prolonged as long as possible, the planter must not forget that chastisement ought to be neither too severe at a time, nor too often repeated; that the negroe stands in need of quiet, of relaxation, of comforts during health; and of tender and attentive assistance in times of sickness; that he must have always homely, but wholesome and abundant fare and cloaths and lodgings suiting to the climate. The planter has been sensible that humanity, as well as interest, calculated on the surest grounds, directs all those things; he has not been deaf to these suggestions. Nay, who knows but gratitude must be occasionally felt. Upon recollection, the negroe will be found to do for the planter more than the planter does, and is bound to do for him. I should prefer, in many respects, to form a gang of young Guinea Negroes of the best choice; and even when there is a sufficient number of men full grown for the labour, I would advise to purchase only boys and girls of fourteen and fifteen. Guinea negroes require, in the beginning, to be gently worked and well attended. Some may be lost in the seasoning to climate; but to counterbalance this, they are formed and disciplined according to the master's own ideas, and it is the surest means make a good and beautiful gang. In the Choice of Guinea negroes, the planter ought to attend to the following circumstances: youth, an open cheerful countenance, a clean and lively eye, fresh lips, sound teeth, a strong neck, a broad and open chest, sinewy arms, dry and large hands, a flat belly, strong loins and haunches, round thighs, dry knees, muscular calves, lean ankles, high feet and lean; an easy and free movement of the limbs; and a middling stature, or rather small. The Congo, Arada, and Thiamba, are the best nations. Women, in general, do not admit of so much nicety of choice in this respect, because, all over the coast of Guinea, women are accustomed to work for the men. A gang ought to be, as much as possible, composed of the same nation. I preferred the Congos. They are docile, and work pretty well, provided they are well fed. As soon as Guinea negroes are purchased, the first Care is to have them well bathed with warm water, in order to take off the palm oil, with which they are rubbed on ship-board. This is necessary, as it intercepts perspiration. They must next be clothed as the climate requires (b). It is likewise extremely necessary to cause them to drink for the space of a fortnight, a sudorifick potion (as the dock water) to forward the eruption of cutaneous distempers, which the ship surgeons have often barbarously repressed, and which produce fatal consequences. If direct suspicion of this is entertained, it is better to reproduce the itch, and then to cure it methodically. They ought to be christened also as soon as possible. Some planters stand godfathers for all their negroes, to keep them free from the superstitious and abusive power of godfathers and mothers of their own colour. I prefer setting negroes to work as soon as they arrive, but this must be done by degrees, avoiding exposure at first to cold rains and dews, because the climate to which they have been accustomed, is different from that of the mountains of St. Domingo; for the same reason, I should advise to purchase Guinea negroes only in the spring. They require also to be particularly watched by the drivers, on account of their distempers. Both religion and good manners enjoin that the negroes be united in lawful wedlock. But wedlock ill agrees with the natural levity and fickleness of this class of people. Nay, experience has shown that regular marriage would be the means of converting peaceable concubinage into adultery, discords, and deadly feuds. Some evils are unavoidable, and his Holiness himself is obliged to license brothels at Rome, however repugnant to his character of sanctity. It is necessary, as much as is possible, to procure an equal number of men and women. Intercourse of the sexes should be prevented, as much as can be done, between the neighbouring plantations; matches should be promoted by small benefits and encouragements; concord maintained between man and wife, without pretending altogether to fetter inconstancy. Here only gentle means must be used; for the natural affections and passions of men are seldom restricted by open force. The women ought to be rewarded in their pregnant state, or while rearing, more especially if the fathers are among themselves. (a) It is particularly remarkable, that while almost all the Dutch and British colonies have suffered, one time or other, the shock of local insurrections of negroes, the French colonies have never felt any thing of that kind. I can see no better reason for this, but the difference of their respective constitutions. Ours left the strength and power of the multitude a hidden mystery. The whole sway was, visibly at least, in the hands of a single man, both here and in the mother-country; and this is the exact pattern and example of the power of the matter on his own estate. This is only a hint of a very extensive idea, which, it further explained, would be found to be beyond contradiction.(b) I cannot omit the unpleasing but necessary practice of stamping them. Sortable Date 1798-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived P. J. Labourie, The Coffee Planter of Saint-Domingo (London, 1798), 157–70. Description An account of the resource Laborie provides the perspective of the planter himself. He gives a detailed description of the organization of slave labor in the production of coffee. Although he shared quite negative views of the African slaves, he recognized that extreme brutality would diminish the capacity of the slaves to work. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 337 Title A name given to the resource The Coffee Planter of Saint Domingo (London, 1798) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/337/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1798 Economic Conditions Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document There is an African dance which has been known for a long time, chiefly in the Western Part of the French Colony of Saint Domingue. It bears the name of Vaudoux (or Voodoo). But it is not as a dance alone that Voodoo is to be considered, for it is set in circumstances which assign it a place among institutions in which superstition and some bizarre practices have a great part. According to the Arada tribe, who are the particular votaries of Voodoo in the Colony and who keep up its principles and rules, Voodoo signifies an all-powerful, supernatural being. Upon this being hang all the events which occur on this globe. Now this being is a snake, not of a poisonous kind, often an adder. It is under the adder's auspices that the believers assemble. Knowledge of the past, learning of the present, and foreknowledge of the future are all attributed to this snake. The adder is never willing to share its power, or to tell its wishes except through the medium of a high priest chosen by the cult members. Later, a woman participates; a negress whom the love of this latter person has raised to the rank of high priestess. These two ministers, who call themselves inspired by God, or in whom the gift of this inspiration is really manifested to the believers, bear the pompous names of "King" and "Queen." They are further called "master" or "mistress" in the autocratic meaning of the term, or, last the touching titles of "papa" and "mama." They are their entire lives the chiefs of the big Voodoo family and have the right to the unlimited respect of the members. These latter are the ones who determine if the adder accepts the admission of a new member into the society. As such, they prescribe his obligations and duties, and receive the gifts and presents which the god accepts as his due. To disobey them, to resist them, is to resist God himself. In short, it means to expose oneself to very serious dangers. Once this system of domination on the one side and of blind submission on the other is established, the leaders set times and dates for future assemblies. . . . They follow usages which they may have brought from Africa and to which Creole customs have added certain variations; there are also certain obvious European items such as the scarf or the rich girdle which the Queen wears—but which she changes sometimes. The meeting for the true disciples of Voodoo, or at least the ones which have lost the least of their primitive purity, is always secret. It is held in the dark of night and in a place closed and sheltered from all profane eyes. Once at the rendezvous, each initiate puts on a pair of sandals and places around his body a more or less considerable number of red handkerchiefs or handkerchiefs in which that color dominates. The Voodoo King has more beautiful handkerchiefs and a larger quantity of them; also he has something which is all red and which encircles his brow—his diadem. A cord, generally blue, helps to set off his flashy dignity. The Queen, clad in simple luxury, shows also her preference for the color red, most often in her ornamental cord or her waistband. The King and Queen take their places at one end of the room. Nearby is a species of altar on which is a chest containing the snake, where every member can see it through the bars. When they have ascertained that no one has entered the precincts out of curiosity, the ceremony is started. It begins with the worship of the adder, through protestations of loyalty to its cult and being submissive to its orders. Led by the King and Queen, each renews his oath of secrecy, which is the foundation of the whole thing. Then follow all the rites which anyone in his delirium can imagine, anything that is most horrible, to render the ceremony more impressive emotionally. When the votaries of Voodoo are thus ready to receive what the King and Queen affect to share with them, the royal pair adopt the loving tone of a sensible mother and father. They boast of the good fortune which is the endowment of everyone who is devoted to the Voodoo god. They exhort their adherents to have confidence in him and give him proof of it, while taking his counsels as to the proper course in various circumstances. Then the crowd scatters and each person, according to his need and according to his seniority as a member, goes to plead with the Voodoo. Most slaves ask for the ability to direct the thoughts of their masters. But this is not enough. One begs for money. Another seeks the gift of pleasing a girl who will pay no attention to him. This one wishes to call back an unfaithful mistress, that one asks to be made well or to have a longer life. After them, an old woman wants to implore God to stop the scorn of someone whose happy youth she would capture. A young girl asks for everlasting love—or repeats the wishes that hatred dictates to her as to a preferred rival. It is not passion which proffers a wish, and crime itself cannot always disguise who the interested parties are. For each of these invocations he receives, the Voodoo King meditates. The Spirit acts in him. Suddenly he takes the chest containing the adder, places it on the ground, and makes the Voodoo Queen stand on it. Once the sacred refuge is under her feet, this new pythoness that she is, is possessed by God. She shakes, her whole body is convulsed, and the oracle speaks through her mouth. Sometimes she flatters and promises happiness, sometimes she thunders and utters reproaches. In keeping with her desires, her own interests, or her whims, she speaks as if she is the law and there is no appeal. She says whatever she likes, in the name of the adder, to that assembly of imbeciles, who never raise the slightest doubt over the most monstrous absurdity. They know nothing else but to obey her or the adder's despotic fiat. After all the questions have brought out from the oracle a reply of some kind, which may be ambiguous, the people form a circle. The adder is restored to the altar. This is the moment when one takes up his tribute, which each has tried to render especially worthy of him. It is put in a covered hat, so that no one may be made to blush by some other's jealous curiosity. The King and Queen promise to make them pleasing to him. It is by the profit from these offerings that the expenses of the meetings are covered, and that help is procured, both for those present and for those absent who have some need, or from whom the society expects some thing for its glory and its renown. The members propose some plans, they stop some overtures, they prescribe actions which the Voodoo Queen supports, always as the will of God, and which do not always have public order or public tranquility for their object. A new oath, as execrable as the first, commits each person to keep quiet about what has passed and concur in what has been done. Sometimes a vessel filled with the still-hot blood of a goat is used to bind the lips of the observers, who promise to suffer death rather than divulge anything or even to put to death anyone who forgets what he has committed himself to. After that comes the dance of the Voodoo. If there is an initiate-to-be, the King traces a circle with some black substance and places the recruit in it. In the novice's hand is put a packet made up of herbs, animal hair, bits of horn, and other things just as disgusting. Striking the candidate lightly on the head with a little wooden blade, he intones an African song which all those around the circle take up in chorus. Then the member-elect starts to tremble and to do a dance, which is called "Come up, Voodoo." If unluckily the excess of his trance makes him leave the circle, the chant stops at once and the King and Queen turn their backs in order to dispel the ill omen. The dancer recovers, goes into the circle again, renews his trembling, limps, and has such convulsions that the King orders him to stop. The King taps him gently on the head with the blade or wand, or even with a cow's neck tendon, if he considers that right. He is led to the altar to take the oath and from this moment belongs to the sect. The rite over, the King puts his hand or his foot on the adder's cage and soon is possessed. He then transmits this mood to the Queen, who in turn passes it on to those in the circle. Each makes movements, in which the upper part of the body, the head and shoulders, seem to be dislocated. The Queen above all is the prey to the most violent agitations. From time to time she goes up to the Voodoo snake to seek some new magic and shakes the chest and the little bells with which it is adorned, making them ring out in a very climax or folly. But the delirium keeps rising. It is augmented still more by the use of intoxicating drinks, which in their frenzied state the participants do not spare and which help to sustain them. Faintings and raptures take over some of them and a sort of fury some of the others, but for all there is a nervous trembling which they cannot master. They spin around ceaselessly. And there are some in this species of bacchanal who tear their clothing and even bite their flesh. Others who are only deprived of their senses and have fallen in their tracks are taken, even while dancing, into the darkness of a neighboring room, where a disgusting prostitution exercises a most hideous empire. Finally, weariness brings an end to these afflicting scenes. This is not before a decision has been announced as to the time of the next meeting. It is very natural to think that Voodoo owes its origin to the serpent cult, to which the people of Juida are particularly devoted. They also say that it originated in the kingdom of Ardra, which, like Juida, is on the Slave Coast. And how far the Africans push their superstitions in regard to this animal, the adder, is easy to recognize from what I have just told. What is very true of Voodoo and at the same time very remarkable, is the spirit of hypnotism, which brings the members to dance right to the edge of consciousness. The prevention of spying [it may be added] is very rigorous. Whites caught ferreting out the secrets of the sect and tapped by a member who has spotted them have sometimes themselves started dancing and have consented to pay the Voodoo Queen to put an end to this punishment. I cannot fail to add, however, that never has any man of the constabulary, who has sworn war upon Voodoo, not felt the power which compels him to dance and which without doubt has saved the dancers from any need for fighting. In order to quiet the alarms which this mysterious cult of Voodoo causes in the Colony, they affect to dance it in public, to the sound of the drums and of rhythmic handclapping. They even have this followed by a dinner where people eat nothing but poultry. But I assure you that this is only one more calculation, to evade the watchfulness of the magistrates and the better to guarantee the success of this dark cabal. After all, Voodoo is not a matter of amusement or enjoyment. It is rather a school where those easily influenced give themselves up to a domination which a thousand circumstances can render tragic. One would not credit to what extent the Voodoo chiefs keep other members in dependence on them. There is no one of these latter who would not prefer anything to the evils with which they are threatened if they don't go regularly to the assemblies or don't blindly do what they are ordered to do. One can see that fright has influenced them, to make them abandon the use of reason. In their transports of frenzy, they utter shouts, flee from other people's eyes, and excite pity. In a word, nothing is more dangerous, according to all the accounts, than this cult of Voodoo. It can be made into a terrible weapon—this extravagant idea that the ministers of this alleged god know all and can do anything. Sortable Date 1797-00-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Médéric-Louis-Elie Moreau de Saint-Méry, A Civilization That Perished: The Last Years of White Colonial Rule in Haiti, (Philadelphia, published by the author, 1797-1798), translated, abridged, and edited by Ivor D. Spencer, (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1985), 1-7. Description An account of the resource Among the African rituals and customs described by Moreau de Saint–Méry, none terrified white planters more than the practice of voodoo. His description of the rituals associated with voodoo and the hold it had on the minds of the slaves demonstrates both his fascination with the topic and the importance he attached to it. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 336 Title A name given to the resource Voodoo Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/336/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1797 Religion Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Edict of the King: On the subject of the Policy regarding the Islands of French America March 1685 Recorded at the sovereign Council of Saint Domingue, 6 May 1687. Louis, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre: to all those here present and to those to come, GREETINGS. In that we must also care for all people that Divine Providence has put under our tutelage, we have agreed to have the reports of the officers we have sent to our American islands studied in our presence. These reports inform us of their need for our authority and our justice in order to maintain the discipline of the Roman, Catholic, and Apostolic Faith in the islands. Our authority is also required to settle issues dealing with the condition and quality of the slaves in said islands. We desire to settle these issues and inform them that, even though they reside infinitely far from our normal abode, we are always present for them, not only through the reach of our power but also by the promptness of our help toward their needs. For these reasons, and on the advice of our council and of our certain knowledge, absolute power and royal authority, we have declared, ruled, and ordered, and declare, rule, and order, that the following pleases us: Article I. We desire and we expect that the Edict of 23 April 1615 of the late King, our most honored lord and father who remains glorious in our memory, be executed in our islands. This accomplished, we enjoin all of our officers to chase from our islands all the Jews who have established residence there. As with all declared enemies of Christianity, we command them to be gone within three months of the day of issuance of the present [order], at the risk of confiscation of their persons and their goods. Article II. All slaves that shall be in our islands shall be baptized and instructed in the Roman, Catholic, and Apostolic Faith. We enjoin the inhabitants who shall purchase newly-arrived Negroes to inform the Governor and Intendant of said islands of this fact within no more that eight days, or risk being fined an arbitrary amount. They shall give the necessary orders to have them instructed and baptized within a suitable amount of time. Article III. We forbid any religion other than the Roman, Catholic, and Apostolic Faith from being practiced in public. We desire that offenders be punished as rebels disobedient of our orders. We forbid any gathering to that end, which we declare to be conventicle, illegal, and seditious, and subject to the same punishment as would be applicable to the masters who permit it or accept it from their slaves. Article IV. No persons assigned to positions of authority over Negroes shall be other than a member of the Roman, Catholic, and Apostolic Faith, and the master who assigned these persons shall risk having said Negroes confiscated, and arbitrary punishment levied against the persons who accepted said position of authority. Article V. We forbid our subjects who belong to the so-called "reformed" religion from causing any trouble or unforeseen difficulties for our other subjects or even for their own slaves in the free exercise of the Roman, Catholic, and Apostolic Faith, at the risk of exemplary punishment. Article VI. We enjoin all our subjects, of whatever religion and social status they may be, to observe Sundays and the holidays that are observed by our subjects of the Roman, Catholic, and Apostolic Faith. We forbid them to work, nor make their slaves work, on said days, from midnight until the following midnight. They shall neither cultivate the earth, manufacture sugar, nor perform any other work, at the risk of a fine and an arbitrary punishment against the masters, and of confiscation by our officers of as much sugar worked by said slaves before being caught. Article VII. We forbid them also to hold slave markets or any other market on said days at the risk of similar punishments and of confiscation of the merchandise that shall be discovered at the market, and an arbitrary fine against the sellers. Article VIII. We declare that our subjects who are not of the Roman, Catholic, and Apostolic Faith, are incapable of contracting a valid marriage in the future. We declare any child born from such unions to be bastards, and we desire that said marriages be held and reputed, and to hold and repute, as actual concubinage. Article IX. Free men who shall have one or more children during concubinage with their slaves, together with their masters who accepted it, shall each be fined two thousand pounds of sugar. If they are the masters of the slave who produced said children, we desire, in addition to the fine, that the slave and the children be removed and that she and they be sent to work at the hospital, never to gain their freedom. We do not expect however for the present article to be applied when the man was not married to another person during his concubinage with this slave, who he should then marry according to the accepted rites of the Church. In this way she shall then be freed, the children becoming free and legitimate. . . . Article XI. We forbid priests from conducting weddings between slaves if it appears that they do not have their masters' permission. We also forbid masters from using any constraints on their slaves to marry them without their wishes. Article XII. Children born from marriages between slaves shall be slaves, and if the husband and wife have different masters, they shall belong to the masters of the female slave, not to the master of her husband. Article XIII. We desire that if a male slave has married a free woman, their children, either male or female, shall be free as is their mother, regardless of their father's condition of slavery. And if the father is free and the mother a slave, the children shall also be slaves. . . . Article XV. We forbid slaves from carrying any offensive weapons or large sticks, at the risk of being whipped and having the weapons confiscated. The weapons shall then belong to he who confiscated them. The sole exception shall be made for those who have been sent by their masters to hunt and who are carrying either a letter from their masters or his known mark. Article XVI. We also forbid slaves who belong to different masters from gathering, either during the day or at night, under the pretext of a wedding or other excuse, either at one of the master's houses or elsewhere, and especially not in major roads or isolated locations. They shall risk corporal punishment that shall not be less than the whip and the fleur de lys, and for frequent recidivists and in other aggravating circumstances, they may be punished with death, a decision we leave to their judge. We enjoin all our subjects, even if they are not officers, to rush to the offenders, arrest them, and take them to prison, and that there be no decree against them. . . . Article XVIII. We forbid slaves from selling sugar cane, for whatever reason or occasion, even with the permission of their master, at the risk of a whipping for the slaves and a fine of ten pounds for the masters who gave them permission, and an equal fine for the buyer. Article XIX. We also forbid slaves from selling any type of commodities, even fruit, vegetables, firewood, herbs for cooking and animals either at the market, or at individual houses, without a letter or a known mark from their masters granting express permission. Slaves shall risk the confiscation of goods sold in this way, without their masters receiving restitution for the loss, and a fine of six pounds shall be levied against the buyers. . . . Article XXVII. Slaves who are infirm due to age, sickness or other reason, whether the sickness is curable or not, shall be nourished and cared for by their masters. In the case that they be abandoned, said slaves shall be awarded to the hospital, to which their master shall be required to pay six sols per day for the care and feeding of each slave. . . . Article XXXI. Slaves shall not be a party, either in court or in a civil matter, either as a litigant or as a defendant, or as a civil party in a criminal matter. And compensation shall be pursued in criminal matters for insults and excesses that have been committed against slaves. . . . Article XXXIII. The slave who has struck his master in the face or has drawn blood, or has similarly struck the wife of his master, his mistress, or their children, shall be punished by death. . . . Article XXXVIII. The fugitive slave who has been on the run for one month from the day his master reported him to the police, shall have his ears cut off and shall be branded with a fleur de lys on one shoulder. If he commits the same infraction for another month, again counting from the day he is reported, he shall have his hamstring cut and be branded with a fleur de lys on the other shoulder. The third time, he shall be put to death. Article XXXIX. The masters of freed slaves who have given refuge to fugitive slaves in their homes shall be punished by a fine of three hundred pounds of sugar for each day of refuge. Article XL. The slave who has been punished with death based on denunciation by his master, and who is not a party to the crime for which he was condemned, shall be assessed prior to his execution by two of the principal citizens of the island named by a judge. The assessment price shall be paid by the master, and in order to satisfy this requirement, the Intendant shall impose said sum on the head of each Negro. The amount levied in the estimation shall be paid for each of the said Negroes and levied by the [Tax] Farmer of the Royal Western lands to avoid costs. . . . Article XLII. The masters may also, when they believe that their slaves so deserve, chain them and have them beaten with rods or straps. They shall be forbidden however from torturing them or mutilating any limb, at the risk of having the slaves confiscated and having extraordinary charges brought against them. Article XLIII. We enjoin our officers to criminally prosecute the masters, or their foremen, who have killed a slave under their auspices or control, and to punish the master according to the circumstances of the atrocity. In the case where there is absolution, we allow our officers to return the absolved master or foreman, without them needing our pardon. Article XLIV. We declare slaves to be charges, and as such enter into community property. They are not to be mortgaged, and shall be shared equally between the co-inheritors without benefit to the wife or one particular inheritor, nor subject to the right of primogeniture, the usual customs duties, feudal or lineage charges, or feudal or seigneurial taxes. They shall not be affected by the details of decrees, nor from the imposition of the four-fifths, in case of disposal by death or bequeathing. . . . Article XLVII. Husband, wife and prepubescent children, if they are all under the same master, may not be taken and sold separately. We declare the seizing and sales that shall be done as such to be void. For slaves who have been separated, we desire that the seller shall risk their loss, and that the slaves he kept shall be awarded to the buyer, without him having to pay any supplement. . . . Article LV. Masters twenty years of age may free their slaves by any act toward the living or due to death, without their having to give just cause for their actions, nor do they require parental advice as long as they are minors of 25 years of age. Article LVI. The children who are declared to be sole legatees by their masters, or named as executors of their wills, or tutors of their children, shall be held and considered as freed slaves. . . . Article LVIII. We declare their freedom is granted in our islands if their place of birth was in our islands. We declare also that freed slaves shall not require our letters of naturalization to enjoy the advantages of our natural subjects in our kingdom, lands or country of obedience, even when they are born in foreign countries. Article LIX. We grant to freed slaves the same rights, privileges and immunities that are enjoyed by freeborn persons. We desire that they are deserving of this acquired freedom, and that this freedom gives them, as much for their person as for their property, the same happiness that natural liberty has on our other subjects. Versailles, March 1685, the forty second year of our reign. Signed LOUIS, and below the King. Colbert, visa, Le Tellier. Read, posted and recorded at the sovereign council of the coast of Saint Domingue, kept at Petit Goave, 6 May 1687, Signed Moriceau. Sortable Date 1687-05-06 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Édit du Roi, Touchant la Police des Isles de l'Amérique Française (Paris, 1687), 28–58. Description An account of the resource The Code noir initially took shape in Louis XIV’s edict of 1685. Although subsequent decrees modified a few of the code’s provisions, this first document established the main lines for the policing of slavery right up to 1789. The very first article expels all Jews from the colonies; Jews played a significant but hardly dominant role in the Dutch colonies of the Caribbean region but were not allowed to own property or slaves in the French colonies. The edict also insisted that all slaves be instructed as Catholics and not as Protestants. For the most part, the code concentrated on defining the condition of slavery (passing the condition through the mother not the father) and establishing harsh controls over the conduct of those enslaved. Slaves had virtually no rights, though the code did enjoin masters to take care of the sick and old. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 335 Title A name given to the resource The Code Noir (The Black Code) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/335/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 6, 1687 Laws Text Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document During her interrogation, [Marie] Antoinette maintained almost invariably a calm and self-assured demeanor. During the first few hours, she kept running her fingers along the arm of her chair in an absent-minded way as if she were playing the pianoforte. When she heard her sentence pronounced, no trace of emotion appeared on her face and she left the court without uttering a word or addressing the judges or the public. It was then half-past four in the morning on the 25th day of the first month when she was led back to the condemned cell in the prison of the Conciergerie. At five o'clock recall was sounded in every section and by seven, the armed forces were at their posts. Cannons were placed at the ends of the bridges in the squares and at the crossroads from the Palace all the way to the Place de la Revolution. By ten o'clock, numerous soldiers were patrolling the streets. At eleven o'clock, Marie Antoinette, the widow Capet, wearing a white morning dress, was led to the scaffold in the same manner as other criminals. She was accompanied by a constitutional priest dressed as a layman, and was escorted by numerous detachments of mounted and dismounted police. Sortable Date 1793-10-16 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Le Moniteur, no. 36 (27 October 1793), 145–46. Description An account of the resource At the conclusion of the trial, the Queen was found guilty and sentenced to death. The newspaper of record, The Moniteur describes the Queen’s response to the verdict and her execution the next morning with a good deal of sympathy and respect. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 334 Title A name given to the resource Execution of the Queen (16 October 1793) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/334/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource October 16, 1793 Monarchy Text The Terror Women Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document On October 14th, 1793, I happened to be in the country when I received the news that I had been named with M. Tronson Ducoudray to defend the Queen before the revolutionary tribunal, and that the trial was to start on the following morning at eight o'clock. I immediately set out for the prison filled with a sense of the sacred duty which had been imposed on me, mingled with an intense feeling of bitterness. The Conciergerie, as is well known, is the prison in which are confined persons due to be judged or those due to be executed after sentence. After passing through two gates one enters a dark corridor which one could not locate without the aid of a lamp that lights up the entrance. On the right are the cells, and on the left there is a chamber into which the light enters by two small barred windows looking on to the little courtyard reserved for women. It was in this chamber that the Queen was confined. It was divided into two parts by a screen. On the left, as one entered, was an armed gendarme, and on the right the part of the room occupied by the Queen containing a bed, a table and two chairs. Her Majesty was attired in a white dress of extreme simplicity. No one capable of sympathetic imagination could fail to realize my feelings on finding in this place the wife of one of the worthiest successors of St. Louis and the august descendant of the Emperors of Germany, a Queen who by her grace and goodness had been the glory of the most brilliant court in Europe and the idol of the French nation. In presenting myself to the Queen with respectful devotion, I felt my knees trembling under me and my eyes wet with tears. I could not hide my emotion and my embarrassment was much greater than any I might have felt at being presented to Her Majesty in the midst of her court, seated on a throne and Surrounded with the brilliant trappings of royalty. Her reception of me, at once majestic and kind put me at my ease and caused me to feel, as I spoke and she listened, that she was honoring me with her confidence. I read over with her the bill of indictment, which later became known to all Europe. I will not recall the horrible details. As I read this satanic document, I was absolutely overwhelmed, but I alone, for the Queen, without showing emotion, gave me her views on it. She perceived, and I had come to the same conclusion, that the gendarme could hear something of what she said. But she showed no sign of anxiety on this score and continued to express herself with the same confidence. I made my initial notes for her defense and then went up to the registry to examine what they called the relevant documents. There I found a pile of papers so confused and so voluminous that I should have needed whole weeks to examine them. When I observed to the Queen that it would not be possible for us to take cognizance of all these documents in such a short time and that it was indispensable to ask for an adjournment to give us time to examine them, the Queen said, "To whom must we apply for that?" I dreaded the effect of my reply, and as I replied in a low voice: "The National Convention," the Queen, turning her head to one side said: "No, never!". . . I added that we had to defend in the person of Her Majesty not only the Queen of France, but also the widow of Louis XVI, the mother of his children and the sister-in-law of our Princess, who were accused with her in the bill of indictment. This final consideration overcame her scruples. At the words sister, wife and mother natural feelings rose superior to a sovereign's pride. Without uttering a single word, though she let a sigh escape her, the Queen took up her pen and wrote to the Assembly in our names, a few lines full of noble dignity in which she complained that they had not allowed us time enough to examine the evidence and claimed on our behalf the necessary respite. The Queen's application was transmitted to Fouquier-Tinville, who promised to submit it to the Assembly, But, in fact, he did nothing with it or, at least, nothing useful for the next day, the fifteenth of October, the hearing began at eight in the morning. Sortable Date 1793-10-14 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Georges Pernoud and Sabine Flaissier, The French Revolution, translated by Richard Graves (New York: Capricorn Books, 1970), 203–5. Description An account of the resource Seven months after the execution of the King, shortly after the declaration of "Revolutionary Government," the Convention turned to the rest of the royal family. Fearing that Marie Antoinette and her son, the nominal King, would provide rallying points for royalists within France and abroad, a Revolutionary Tribunal indicted Marie Antoinette and her children for treason. Two attorneys were assigned to prepare her defense, and one describes the situation here. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 333 Title A name given to the resource The Queen’s Defense (14 October 1793) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/333/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource October 14, 1793 Monarchy Text Women Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document After the 20th of June, the people who wished well to the King and Queen were desirous that her Majesty should sometimes appear in public, accompanied by the Dauphin, a most interesting, beautiful child, and her charming daughter, Madame Royale. In consequence of this she went to the Comédie Italienne with her children, Madame Elisabeth, the King's sister, and Madame Tourzelle, governess to the royal children. This was the very last time on which her Majesty appeared in public. I was there in my own box, nearly opposite the Queen's; and as she was so much more interesting than the play, I never took my eyes off her and her family. The opera which was given was Les Evénemens Imprévus, and Madame Dugazon played the soubrette [female servant]]. Her Majesty, from her first entering the house, seemed distressed. She was overcome even by the applause, and I saw her several times wipe the tears from her eyes. The little Dauphin, who sat on her knee the whole night, seemed anxious to know the cause of his unfortunate mother's tears. She seemed to soothe him, and the audience appeared well disposed, and to feel for the cruel situation of their beautiful Queen. In one of the acts a duet is sung by the soubrette and the valet, where Madame Dugazon says: Ah! Comme j'aime ma maîtresse [Ah! How I love my mistress]. As she looked particularly at the Queen at the moment she said this, some Jacobins, who had come into the playhouse, leapt upon the stage, and if the actors had not hid Madame Dugazon, they would have murdered her. They hurried the poor Queen and family out of the house, and it was all the Guards could do to get them safe into their carriages. Grace Elliott. [July 1792.] Sortable Date 1792-07-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Grace Dalyrmple Elliot, Journal of my life during the French Revolution (London, R. Bentley, 1859), 65–66. Description An account of the resource Since the seventeenth century, French monarchs had been great patrons of the theater and opera, which they regularly attended in Versailles and Paris. Such performances had been occasions to appear before their subjects, aristocratic and common, and to receive public acclaim. Although Louis XVI showed much less interest in theater–going than his predecessors, his Queen had been an enthusiast, especially of light opera. This text describes a visit by Marie Antoinette to the Italian theater, at which she was poorly received by the audience. The account is written by Grace Dalrymple, an English nobleman in Paris during the Revolution, as a report to the king of England. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 332 Title A name given to the resource The Queen at the Opera (July 1792) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/332/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July 1792 Monarchy Text Women Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Only the Emperor can put an end to the troubles caused by the French Revolution. There is no longer any possibility of reconciliation. The armed forces have destroyed everything—only armed forces can repair the situation. The King has done everything to avoid civil war, and he is still very much convinced that civil war cannot correct anything, and that it shall, in the end, destroy everything. The leaders of the Revolution correctly feel that their constitution cannot last, that it is being sustained by the personal interests of all those who dominate the departments, municipalities, and clubs. A portion of the People have been deceived and follow the opinions of these leaders. However, all educated people, the peaceful bourgeois, and, in general, a majority of the citizens from all walks of life, are fearful and discontented. If opposition to the [armies of the great] powers was to arise, if the language of the powers was reasonable, if their assembled forces were imposing, and if there was no civil war, it would be risky to assume that a general revolution would occur in the cities. There would be, rather, no difficulty in returning things to order. But if there is a civil war, the forces of the powers will only prevail in the areas where their armies are located. The distant provinces will be divided—those that have been oppressed will want to avenge themselves, those that have dominated will certainly feel that they must risk everything. There will be massacres in the name of revenge. There will be massacres to gain twenty-four hours in order to have time to escape. Everyone is armed. Things will be in a deplorable state, and crime and murder will enter into people's houses and no citizen will be assured of surviving from one day to the next. . . . The united powers must take into account the position of the King, his powers and his dignity, and the relationships that depend on them. He cannot be firmly reestablished if factions are allowed to dictate laws which, on the pretext of deciding how he can exercise his authority, deprive him of those powers he requires. The united powers must ensure, in accordance with the principles and fundamental laws of the French monarchy, that no law or constitution may be reestablished in France that does not call for the free, full and entire concurrence of the King, and that no possibility exists of stipulating a limit on the free declaration of his will. The united powers cannot view without concern the spreading of the principles of anarchy and confusion within a large European state . . . principles destructive to all governments. More than any argument, excess, or danger, it is the deplorable state of France that clearly demonstrates what these principles give rise to. The powers must recognize that this is a question of vital interest not only for all sovereigns, but for all orders, states, and classes of citizens in all countries and in republics as well as monarchies. . . . It seems impossible that the nation should be without misgivings, and ready to lose all its resources because an immoderate and improvident assembly has destroyed, at a stroke, both the King's authority and its own. The Assembly is not the nation. Different forms of government can be disturbed or suspended. The nation remains, and, being more aware of the dangers, it can see where its true interests lie. It was the time-honored method of the kings of France to appeal to the good cities. It is probable that the cities, in order to redeem themselves from the misfortunes of the war, will entreat the King to take back his power and play a mediating role. The desire for public safety can restore to him the love of the people. All the anxieties, all the fears will rally to his authority. Upon his head will rest all hopes. His sufferings will be recalled, and those of the Queen, and their courage in the terrible days of October 5th and 6th. All the crimes of the Revolution will be remembered. It is possible that there will arise a terrible cry against their authors, against all the violent men who have been placed in office. Those frightened men will try to save themselves by flight, and the communal assemblies will no longer be composed of the same members, dominated by the same force, and governed by the same sentiments. The Revolution will be effected in the interior of each city; it will be effected by the approach of the war and not by the war itself. The King, his powers restored, will be entrusted with negotiations with the foreign powers, and the princes will return, in the general tranquillity, to reassume their ranks at his court and in the nation. Sortable Date 1791-09-08 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Maxime de la Rocheterie and the Marquis de Beaucourt, Marie-Antoinette, Lettres; réceuil des lettres authentiques de la reine, vol. 2 (Paris: Société d'histoire contemporaine, 1896), 284–304. Description An account of the resource Fears about Marie Antoinette’s intentions and actions were not baseless. Although inexperienced in the new style of politics, Marie Antoinette did see a need for help from abroad if the monarchy was to stop or reverse the course of the Revolution, which she thought to be getting out of control. She wrote this letter to her brother Leopold II, Emperor of the large Habsburg Empire in central Europe, describing the Revolution as she saw it and asking for his help to end it. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 331 Title A name given to the resource Marie Antoinette’s View of the Revolution (8 September 1791) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/331/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September 8, 1791 Counterrevolution Monarchy Text Women Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document A number of French aristocrats and malcontents are currently said to be in Barcelona, where they are working against their country's glorious revolution, and to persuade the Court Madrid to redouble precautions against French pamphlets. They are wasting their time, however, for sooner or later, liberty will come to France. There is, however, a large amount of information being exchanged between Paris and Madrid through numerous courtiers who travel back and forth. Among those who arrived in Paris from Spain is a great Spanish lord who travels incognito, but is well known and a close watch is kept on his movements. There is talk of two Spanish squadrons, one of which is reportedly to appear off the coast at Gascony, the other off the coast of Languedoc and Provence. The King of Sardinia has placed troops on alert whose suspected use shall be to invade France. The King of Naples is making preparations as if he were going to bombard Algiers. According to all reports, it would appear that the actions of these various powers are all aimed at helping the French ministry in their well-known plans of overturning the constitution and bringing about a counterrevolution. These enemies of the State intend to create a stronghold for the final stand of a dying aristocracy. Besides, it is known that the ambassadors of Naples, Spain, and Sardinia go to the Tuileries almost daily. They arrive at ten in the morning and leave only at midnight, or often even later. This naturally leads one to believe that there are important negotiations in progress between our court and theirs, the aim of which is certainly not to help the new regime but rather to restore the old one. It is also certain that in the quarters of the King's wife at the Tuileries, a committee meets, made up of the Keeper of the Seals, Monsieur de Saint-Priest, and the Count of Reuss, a secret agent, but one who is well known to the Viennese court. The ambassadors of Naples, Spain, and Sardinia are also said to be summoned occasionally to this committee. This committee could be called the "Austrian Committee," because it reportedly was there that, against the best interests of France, the decision was taken to renew the alliance with the Court of Vienna, and to try to return the Low Countries to Austrian domination. Sortable Date 1791-06-00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Les Révolutions de France et de Brabant, no. 18 (June 1791), 137–40. Description An account of the resource This article appeared in the newspaper Revolutions of France and Brabant, under the headline: "Horrible maneuvers of the Austrians at the Tuileries Palace to bring civil war to France . . ." and discusses various rumors making the rounds that the King would soon flee France and initiate an invasion led by former aristocrats to undo the evolution. Camile Desmoulins’s reference to the "Austrian Committee" implied that Marie Antoinette was conspiring with other members of her Habsburg family who ruled in Austria. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 330 Title A name given to the resource Desmoulins Attacks the Queen (June 1791) Relation A related resource https://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/330/ Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1791 Monarchy Text The Terror Women